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London ; Keqan Paul , Trench. , Tritbner & Co., Lunited. .
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS:
THE HISTORIA MONASTICA OF THOMAS
BISHOP OF MARGA A. D. 840
EDITED FROM SYRIAC MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BRITISH
MUSEUM AND OTHER LIBRARIES
ah * NOV 19 1910
Ay, 9 7 te As
E. A. WALLIS BUDGE, Lrrr. D., F. S. AS<2coigyy seus”
FORMERLY SCHOLAR OF CHRIST’S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, AND TYRWHITT SCHOLAR,
ACTING ASSISTANT-KEEPER IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EGYPTIAN
AND ASSYRIAN ANTIQUITIES, BRITISH MUSEUM.
VOL, I.
THE SYRIAC TEXT, INTRODUCTION etc.
LONDON:
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co., Lrp.
PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD.
1893.
GULIELMO: EWART: GLADSTONE:
CUI . SUMMAM : IN - IMPERIO - BRITANNICO - POTESTATEM . QUATER -
ADEPTO - IN.- REBUS - AERARII - PRAETER - ALIOS + FELICI -
INTER - TOT: TALISQUE - LABORES : NIHILOMINUS - NON - DEFUIT - OTIUM .
QUO - QUAESTIONES - A . PRIORIBUS - PARUM - EXERCITAS -
LIBRO - SUO : EXIMIO - «(JUVENTUS MUNDI» - ILLUSTRARET -
MULTISQUE : ALIIS - SCRIPTIS . STUDIA - HOMERICA - PROMOVERET -
CUIUS - ET - FAVOR - ET - CONSILIA -ULLO - IN - GENERE: STUDIORUM -
VERSATIS - NUNQUAM - DEFECERUNT :
HUNC - LIBRUM -
UTPOTE - VIRO - ILLUSTRISSIMO . BENIGNISSIMO - IN: ME - IPSUM -
MULTOS -: PER - ANNOS -: MAECENATI -
lche vale ANTES aE
.
PREFACE,
The object of the present work is to give in a
convenient form the complete Syriac text of the “Book
of Governors”, together with an English translation
and necessary notes.
The “Book of Governors’, better known as the
“Historia Monastica of Thomas of Marga”, was written
in the Syriac language in the first half of the ninth
century of our era. Its author Thomas was originally
a monk in the famous Nestorian Monastery of Béth
“Abhé, which was founded at the end of the sixth
century by Jacob of Lashém, the modern Lasim near
Kerkik. Béth ‘Abhé was practically an offshoot of
)
the “Great Monastery” of Mount Izla near Nisibis, where
the first Christian ascetics of Mesopotamia, under the
direction of Mar Awgin of Clysma near Suez, estab-
lished themselves in the early part of the fourth century.
It was a building half fortress, half monastery, and it
stood in a forest (hence the name Beéth “Abhé, 2. e,
“house of the forest”) upon a mountain peak between
two valleys on the right bank of the Great Zab river.
This monastery had been endowed with large estates
and many possessions by several Persian noblemen, and
; (b)
x PREFACE.
to it was given the proud title of the “King of Monas-
teries”; its society generally contained several members
of noble Persian families. The monks of Béth‘Abhé were
renowned for their learning, and under the shadow of
its walls the revision and re-arrangement of the “Hudhra”
or Service-Book for all the Sundays of the Year were
made, and the famous recension of the Syriac version
of the “Paradise” of Palladius was completed. Attached
to the monastery was a fine ecclesiastical library in
which were preserved copies of histories and other
works which are no longer extant. Four, if not five,
of the Patriarchs of the Nestorian Church were edu-
cated at Béth “Abhé, and during the period of
which we have any written record of its existence,
2. @, A.D., 595—850, at least one hundred of its sons
became Bishops, Metropolitans, and Governors of
Nestorian dioceses in Mesopotamia, Arabia, Persia,
Armenia, Kurdistan and China.
Thomas, afterwards Bishop of Marga and Metro-
politan of Béth Garmai, entered Béth Abhé A. D. 832,
and for a few years he acted as secretary to Abraham
the Patriarch and Catholicus, who sat at Seleucia from
A. D. 837 to 850. He was a diligent student of the
accounts of the lives of famous Nestorian ascetics who
had been educated in or connected with Béth ‘Abhé,
and having acquired an intimate knowledge of all
matters concerning their lives and triumphs while they
lived there, and of the details of their subsequent careers,
he was persuaded by the monks severally and collect-
PREFACE. XI
a history of their monastery and of its past inmates.
After many entreaties Thomas undertook the work, and
by making use of histories which are no longer extant,
and of the traditions which he collected from aged men
who were then living in Marga and other places, he
produced a narrative which forms a history of Nestorian
monasticism and asceticism in the countries east of the
Tigris for nearly three hundred years, and which is also
a most precious supplement to the history of the
Nestorian Church during a period of its existence of
which little is known. He describes at some length the
occasions upon which the Nestorian Church came into
contact or conflict with the Persian kings, and he casts
some new light upon events of contemporary history.
The dispersion of the monks from Mount Izla, the
mission of the Nestorian Patriarch to Heraclius, the
apostasy of Sahdona, the stagnation of the Nestorian
Church in the seventh century, the foundation of sixty
-schools and the introduction of church-music in Marga, the
conversion to Christianity of the peoples on the eastern
and southern shores of the Caspian Sea, the missions
of the Nestorian propaganda to southern Arabia, Persia
and China, the decline of the Persian and the growth
of the Arab power, é¢c., are set forth with much clearness.
Like many Oriental writers Thomas is sparing
in his use of dates, but his allusions to events, the
periods of which are known, enable us to arrange
a chronology of his monastery which is tolerably correct.
Xl PREFACE.
The geography of the Book of Governors is a
difficult subject, chiefly because Thomas did not usually
take the trouble to describe the positions of the villages
and towns which he mentioned, assuming that his readers
were well acquainted with them. In the map to this
volume an attempt has been made to indicate roughly
the position of many of the places mentioned therein,
and this has been made possible chiefly by the help
of the invaluable papers upon Mesopotamian and Persian
geography by that illustrious Oriental scholar and
traveller Sir H. C. Rawlinson, and by Prof. Hoffmann’s
Auszige aus Syrischen Akten Persischer Méartyrer,
Leipzig, 1880, in which the geography of the Nestorian
dioceses is worked out with masterly ability. Many
places mentioned by Thomas occur in no other book.
The Syriac text of the Book of Governors has
been edited from four manuscripts, all of which agree
in the general arrangement of the text and of its
contents. The differences, be they true variant readings,
or mis-spellings of words, or mistakes or omissions by
the scribes, have been given at the foot of the text,
and in no case has the text been altered without due
notice of the fact being given. The peculiarities of the
Nestorian system of vowel-points and punctuation and
spelling have been reproduced from the MSS. as care-
fully as possible; emendations of the text and corrections
of a few misprints are given in the notes to the trans-
lation.
The English translation has been made as literal
PREFACE. X11
as possible, my chief aim being to reproduce what
Thomas has said; new words or those of rare occurrence
are discussed in the notes.
In the Introduction an attempt has been made to
put together a series of facts concerning the origin
and growth of Christian asceticism in Mesopotamia,
which will, it is hoped, be useful to the student, for
they bear directly upon the period which immedi-
ately precedes that with which Thomas, Bishop
of Marga, begins his history; a brief account of the
founding of the Monastery of Rabban Hormuzd at
Alkésh, based upon new information, has also. been
added. In places where the facts given by Thomas,
Bishop of Marga, could be advantageously supplemented,
the text of contemporary letters by the Patriarch and
Catholicus, Ishé-yahbh II of Adiabene has been
given; his letters concerning the apostasy of Sahdona
and the schism in the Persian Nestorian Church are
of the first importance for the history of these events.
They are also excellent examples of epistolary compo-
sitions in Syriac by a fluent and able writer, and lin-
guistically they are of much value. The extracts from
the Syriac version of the “Paradise” of Palladius explain
Thomas’ narrative, and form specimens of the contents
of a work of which, so far as I know, nothing has
hitherto been printed.
To Prof. Guidi of Rome, Iam indebted for a collation
of the Vatican MS. of the Book of Governors with the
MS. B, and for marking the variants, and to Prof. Ugolini
XIV PREFACE.
of Rome for the copy from the Vatican MS. No. 157,
foll. 52, 55, of part of a letter of Isho-yahbh IIL con-
cerning Sahdona the apostate. Prof. Hoffmann of Kiel
has generously supplied me with a number of valuable
notes upon points of history and geography and
many suggestions concerning faulty readings of the
text which I have most gratefully adopted. My thanks
are also due to Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner
and Co. for undertaking the publication of this work,
and to Mr. Drugulin of Leipzig and Dr. Chamizer for
the care which they have taken in printing it.
FE. A. WALLIS BUDGE.
Lonpon, June 29, 1893.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION :—
THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS
THOMAS, BISHOP OF MARGA
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS AND ITS PLAN AND
CONTENTS Rat Ae
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ‘ABHE
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ‘ABHE
CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESO-
POTAMIA . Neptnert
RABBAN HORMUZD AND HIS MONASTERY AT ALKOSH
A LIST OF THE PROPER NAMES WHICH OCCUR IN
THE SYRIAC TEXT OF THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS
SYRIAC FORMS OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS OC-
CURING IN THE HISTORY OF THOMAS OF MARGA
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS, SYRIAC TEXT:—
BOOK I
BOOK II
BOOK III
BOOK IV
BOOK V
BOOK VI
CXVII
clvii
clXXiv
clxlix
3
15
65
139
192
252
325
INTRODUCTION.
~ THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS.
The text of the “Book of Governors” by Thomas
of Marga as contained in this volume is edited from
four MSS., indicated respectively by the letters A, B,
C and Vat.
The MS. A belongs to the British Museum, where
it is numbered Oriental 2,316. It was probably written
in the early part of the XVIIth century, and consists
of 182 paper leaves, measuring about 12> in. by 8.
Each page is occupied by one column of writing,
generally containing 26 lines. The MS. is stained and
damaged by water in places, and the text at the corners
of some of the pages has been rubbed away. The
quires were originally twenty-four in number, and are
signed with letters; the 1st, 9th, rath, 13th, and r4th—1 8th
are defective, and quire no. 2 is wanting. Leaves are
mantine after folios 6, 16, 23, 93, III, I12, 113, 115,
Bioreit7, 119, 126, 148 and 180, and in several pages
there are lacunae of one, two and more lines. The
volume is written in a fine, bold Nestorian hand, with
numerous vowel-points. The headings of the chapters
and their numbers are written in red ink, and the
ornamental designs at the end of each of the six books
of the Azstorza Monastica are in green, red and yellow.
(c)
XVI INTRODUCTION.
The volume comprises:
1. The History of the Heads of the Monastery of
Béth ‘Abhé. Foll. 1—148. Table of Contents. Fol. r.
Book I. Fol. 5a. Chapters 3—16, 33, and 34 are
wanting, and chapters 17, 25 and 32 are defective.
Book IL Fol. 17a. Chapter 11 is wanting.
Book II. Fol. 53a. This book is in two sections:
the first contains the life of Mar Babhai, and the second
that of Mar Maran-ammeh. The metrical homily on
Mar Maran-ammeh begins on fol. 694.
Book IV. Fol. 776. Chapter 19 is wanting.
Book V. Fol. 1064. Chapters 6, 7, 11 andar sane
wanting, and chapters 8, 9, 10, 12—16 are defective.
Book VI. Fol. 118a@. This book is in two sections;
the first contains the life of Mar Cyprian, and the second
that of Mar Gabriel. In the first section chapters 2,
3, 4 and 5 are wanting, and chapters 1, 6 and 7 are
defective; in the second section the second and last
chapters are defective.
On fol. 148 the MS. ends abruptly with the words
#2 sono (see the printed text p. 407). On fol. 460 is
written on the margin odse342 f® vse; on fol. 546 (Book IIL.
chap. 1) is the remark, v5 35 ost ydd> Zasdp ASSosS ose
qos oO; on fol. 67a (Bk. Il. chap. 8) is a verse of
poetry (see the printed text p. 166); and on fol. 122¢@
(Book VI. chap. 7) is written on the margin #30? oo
do SS>.
The following glosses occur: ##234ex is explained
by is oaei (fol. 25a); es is explained by #&» (fol. 25a);
Wiss is explained by #0 (fol. 454); and #\3 and ¢Xx
are explained by #3 (fol. 1784).
2. The Introduction to a history of Martyrs—in-
complete. Fol. 149@. Begins voms3as ferp .crowawd0 fou
THE MSS. OF THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS. X1X
x Axo edi NaSo dada AaSo gdox jux (N35, and ends «sz ws
foms> foo 3/4 Sz Awwfso xn dso 1eSO7 gNASENT SAS pal wo Sos
| %idosd5> Ja.)5 ‘oSAss> = 580 do?
3. [The History of the persecution and slaughter of
the holy Martyrs whose names we have mentioned above.
Fol. 150@. sim» aAtb70 ondosss Aadeys us Ga fs
omoax SSS o> JONG: Ph AN
X
eThaNald tod oNodatiy 55 0d Axo wAxNo wdfio Aix og] ood 053309 15
goad. m0 paXOmo HON Aaxa 3 S2NN1
So0ax> ¢an0 AN NX u07 91> fxO595 NoadsoS ek ¢BO@Saxo fYfso Asx
oS wwaxlo + 9n000073 gadso Mor Mab Nator SN bo -dgat050073 7 tadto
fas0o0g5> ¢S52 Ss #0255 Nafsatol 0007 kes As ccroiss fOX N35 S0mx 735A
exo 1007 HS
For other versions of this History of the Martyrdom
of Simeon bar-Sabbaé, Archbishop and Catholicus of
the Eastern Church see Wright, Cadalogue of Syriac
MSS. in the Britesh Museum, p. 1133, col. 2. No. 60,
Bmeep 1140, col. 2. No. 2; and compare Assemani,
Bibliotheca Orrentalis, tom. |. p. 2 ff.
4. The History of Joseph, the son of Jacob, by Mar
Basil. Fol. 176a. Incomplete at the end.
The MS. B is on paper, and is in my _posses-
sion. It was written in 1888, and consists of 186
leaves, measuring 13; in., by 9. Each page is occupied
by one column of writing, generally containing 25 lines.
The quires are nineteen in number, and are signed
with letters. The volume is written in a fine, bold
Nestorian hand, with numerous vowel-points. The
headings of the chapters and their numbers are written
in red ink,
The volume contains the History of the Heads of
the Monastery of Béth “Abhé. Foll. 1—185.
The colophon reads:—
XX INTRODUCTION.
“lHere] endeth, by the help of our Lord and by
the sustaining of His power, this book which is called
the ‘Book of Governors’, that is, the histories and
noble acts and excellent stories concerning the holy
men and solitaries who have lived in the holy Monastery
of Béth “Abhé, [containing] the separate chapters of the
books which set forth all the histories, which was
composed by the pious man of God and _ spiritual
philosopher, Mar Thomas, Bishop of Marga. May his
prayers, and those of his master Mar Jacob, and those
of the saints whose triumphs he hath written down be
a high wall [of defence] for all believers, but especially
for the poor scribe, and for him that hath taken care
for and hath paid for the copying of this spiritual
work; and may the Lord God hold them worthy of
the forgiveness of sins in the Day of Judgment, Amen.”
“This book received ending and completion in the
blessed month of Nisan, on the thirteenth day, on the
fifth day of the week, on the eve of the sixth [day]
of the fast which is called ‘The fast] of Lazarus’,
in the year one thousand, eight hundred and
eighty-eight of the birth of Christ our Lord. And to
* f. e., the Thursday evening before Palm Sunday. The
Greek Church celebrated the raising of Lazarus on the Satur-
day evening before Palm Sunday, but the Nestorians celebrate it
on the Friday. For the “Saturday of Lazarus,” or the “Saturday
of the Resurrection of Lazarus” see Wright, Catalogue of Syriac
MSS. in the British Museum, p. 162, no. 37; p. 168, nos. 88,
89; p. 170, no. 27; and for the “Friday of Lazarus” 4ssS2 450s
see Wright, op. cet, p. 189, no. 49. Compare also Du Cange,
Glossartum, coll. 781, 1314; Payne Smith, ZZes., 1963; and
especially Hoffmann’s exhaustive note on this subject in Feige,
Die Geschichte des Mar “Abhdisho’", Kiel, 1890, p. 57:
THE MSS. OF THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS. XX
God, the Lord of the universe, the Strengthener of
our feebleness, and Sustainer of our weakness, be praise
and confession and worship for ever and ever, Amen.”
“It was written under [the shadow of] the Church
of the triumphant martyr, the glorious man among the
saints, the strenous athlete, Mar Cyriacus,’ which is
[situated in] the blessed village of Tell Képhé;? may
its inhabitants be preserved from all harm by the
prayers of him and his companions, yea and Amen.”
“The priest Phransis,3 the man who is priest in name
only, the most despicable and contemptible of all the
human race, the son of Sham6,* the son of the deceased
Phagho of the family of Béth-Dabbesh, the man of
Tell Képhe, blackened and defiled these pages. It is
not meet that his name should be mentioned in holy
books because of the wickedness of his deeds and the
abominableness of his manner of life, and he only
maketh known his wretched name that he may pluck
prayer for forgiveness from the ‘mouth of pious
readers. Prithee pray for him that he may be worthy
* The Church of Mar Cyriacus is mentioned with that of the
Virgin by Sachau, Rese zx Syrien und Mesopotamien, p. 359.
2 More correctly Tell Kéf. When Rich visited this village
he found the ruins of seven churches here (see Warrative of a
Residence in Koordistan, vol. ii. p. 103 ff.), but Sachau only
mentions the Church of Mar Cyriacus and the Church of Mart
Maryam el-‘adra (Mary the Virgin). According to Sachau (Reese
wn Syrien, p. 359) the place contains seven hundred well-built
houses. I visited Tell Kéf in 1889 and 1890 and was very
hospitably entreated by the priests.
3 Perhaps ‘‘Francis” or a form of the Persian name jes5s
mentioned in Bk. ii. chap. 32 (Syriac text, p. 109, I. 6).
4 Hoffmann thinks that Shamdo may be a kyfocoresticon: for
XX INTRODUCTION.
of mercy at the last day; that he may stand with
open face before the tribunal of the Creator; and that
he may be placed in order in the series of the priests
of the Lord Jesus, Amen.”
“Blessed be God for ever and ever, and may His
holy name be glorified from generation to generation
for ever and ever, world without end.”
The MS. C is on paper, and is in my posses-
sion. It was written in 1888, and consists of
316 paper leaves measuring 9; in, by 73. Each
page is occupied by one column of writing, generally
containing 19 lines. The quires are thirty-two in
number, and are signed with letters. The volume is
written in a small, clear Nestorian hand, with numerous
vowel-points. The headings of the chapters and their
numbers are written in red ink.
The volume contains the History of the Heads of
the Monastery of Béth “Abhe. Foll. 1—316.
The colophon reads:—‘“This book received ending
and completion in the blessed month of the latter
Kanon, on the twenty-third day, on the Sabbath, on the
eve of the third Sunday of Epiphany,’ upon which day
they sing the sss, “Come let us marvel”, in the year
one thousand, eight hundred and eighty-eight of the
birth of Christ our Lord. And to God, the Lord of
the universe, the Strengthener of our feebleness, and
the Sustainer of our weakness, be praise and confession
and worship for ever and ever, Amen. O reader, my
master, pray for the sinful scribe Phransis of Tell Kef
who is indued with the grade of the priesthood of
Tepe
1 The Gospel for the day is St. John 1. 29—40; see Brit.
Mus. Egerton MS. No. 681, fol. 254, col. 2.
THE MSS. OF THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS. XX
Aaron. Blessed be God for ever, and praised be His
holy name from generation to generation for ever and
ever, world without end.”
The MS. Vat. belongs to the Library of the Vatican,’
for which it was acquired by Andrew Scandar, and bears
the number CLXV. It was written in the latter half
of the XVIIth century, and consists of 328 paper leaves,
measuring about 8 in. by 6 in. Each page is occupied
by one column of writing, generally containing 1g lines.
The quires, which usually consist of five leaves, are
thirty-two in number, and are signed with letters;
the 22nd quire is signed 3» instead of +». The volume
is written in a modern Nestorian hand, and generally
speaking has few vowel-points.
The volume contains the History of the Heads of
the Monastery of Béth “Abhé. Foll. 1—328.
“This book was finished on the sixth day (Friday’)
of the Week of Summer |Sundays], after the Sunday
[in which they sing the sss] “The life full of joys”,
in the blessed month Abh (July), in the year one
thousand, nine hundred and seventy-four of the Greeks
fe. 1). 1663)’.
The other principal MSS. of the //estorza Monasteca
of Thomas of Marga preserved in Europe are:—
For a description of this MS. see - Assémani, Libliothecae
Apostolicae Vaticanae, tom. ill. p. 331 ff,
2 The tasos for the first Sunday of the Week of Sri:
Sundays began with the words @\as@3 sox; that for the second
fim go 98; that for the third poSox jssa5; that for the fourth
wdto uiwow; that for the fifth sXcXw goss; that for the sixth jdwos
joibos wSw> and that for the seventh Sua xod. See Brit. Mus.
Egerton MS. No. 681, fol. 1584, col. 1. For the ‘seven Fri-
days of Summer” Kuss Ro0as, see ZB. O., iil. i. p. 383, No. 37.
XXIV INTRODUCTION.
1. A paper MS. in the Bibliotheque Nationale at
Paris consisting of 307 leaves; it is incomplete, and
the end of the work from Book VI. chap. 6 is wanting.
It was copied from MS. No. CLXV in the Vatican
Library, and was collated with two other MSs.
(CCCLXXXI and CCCLXXXII) which contain the
entire work of Thomas. See Zotenberg, Ca¢alogue des
MSS. Syrtagues, p. 216, col. 2. No. 286.
2. The paper MSS. Nos. CCCLXXXIand CCCLXXXII
(A. 124, and A. 125) in the’ Vatican -Uibraryaeeces
former contains the first four books of Thomas’s /7zstory,
and. the latter the last two. See Mai, Screptorum
Veterum Nova Collectzo, tom. v. pp. 47, 48.
3. A paper MS. which forms No. 179 of the
collection acquired for Berlin by Dr. Sachau; it was
copied for him in 1882. |
THOMAS, BISHOP OF MARGA.
Thomas, better known as “Thomas of Marga’, was
the son of one Jacob, a native of the village of Beéth
Sharonaye* which was situated in the diocese of Salakh.
This province was divided into two parts, Inner Salakh
and Outer Salakh, and was under the jurisdiction of
the Metropolitan of Adiabene; Outer Salakh was also
called Salakh dhe Narsé, or Salakh dhe Babanes. Inner
Salakh was separated from Adhorbaijan by Mar
Maran-ammeh, and was placed under the jurisdiction
* Probably identical with the village of Shirwan in the dis-
trict of Shirwan; see Hoffmann, Azsziige, p. 220.
THOMAS, BISHOP OF MARGA. XXV
of the Bishop of Salakh, in the place of the province
of Débhwar which he had taken from under his
dominion.* According to Thomas of Marga* we may
safely assume that Inner Salakh lay on the border of
Adhorbaijan, and that it was identical with Salak al-Audi;
we are then also probably correct in placing the
bishopric of Salakh in the territory round about Rawandiz,
between Jebel el-Kandil and the mountains which
divide Persia from Turkey, that is to say about thirty
or forty miles N. E. of Hazza or Irbil (Arbela), and
about eighty miles N. E. of Mosul, the town on the
right bank of the Tigris exactly opposite the mounds
of Kouyunjik and Nebi Yanus, which mark the site of
Nineveh. The village of Beth Sharénayé, or Beéth
Sherwanayé, was situated in Inner Salakh, and together
with Béth Néwa,3 Béth Wark, or Béth Warek,* Gdlai,°
and other villages, formed the home of the Shahrighan,
a class of wealthy hereditary, landed proprietors, “who,
although they were nominally Christians, made confession
that Christ was an ordinary man, and said, ‘He was
as one of the Prophets’”.° In ancient days there lived
in this district a number of these noblemen who
professed the religion of the Magians. Nowhere in the
- Book of Governors does Thomas give the family name
of his father, and we cannot therefore decide whether
he was descended from a Persian family or not; it 1s,
however, both possible and probable that he was.
There is no doubt that his father’s ancestors dwelt
among heathen, for Thomas tells us that they had a
t See Vol. ii. p. 316. * See Hoffmann, Azsziige, p. 245.
3 See Vol. ii. p. 308. 4 See Vol. ii. p. 309.
meee Vol, ti. p..243.\7 .° see Vol. i. p. 310.
(d)
XXVI INTRODUCTION.
tradition that there were people living in the villages
round about them who worshipped a magnificent tree
which they called the “King of the forest”,* because
of a demon which appeared in it. Of the rank and
position of Thomas’s parents we also know nothing, but
as Thomas became Bishop of Marga, and as his brother
Theodosius attained the dignity of Catholicus, we shall
probably be right in assuming that they were the sons
of parents of some wealth and standing, and that their
family formed a part of that section of the inhabitants
of Salakh who in ancient times were Magians and who
had embraced Christianity, and who had struggled to
build and to maintain churches for the worship of
Christ.
The exact date of the birth of Thomas is unknown,
but as he himself tells us that he came to the Monastery
of Béth ‘Abhé when a youth (258), in the 217th year
of the Hijra, z. e, A. D. 832, he must have been born
after the beginning of the ninth century. In Book L
chap. 31, of his Book of Governors, and in other places,
Thomas tells us that he used to act as secretary to
Mar Abraham,’ the Catholicus and Patriarch who sat
from A. D. 837 to 850. Mar Abraham was originally
a monk in Béth “Abhé, and he afterwards became
Abbot of that monastery; when he went down to
Seleucia to occupy the patriarchal throne he took Thomas
with him. Here Thomas performed his duties satis-
factorily, and a few years later he was appointed Bishop
of Marga by his friend and patron the Patriarch Mar
Abraham. Within a very few years Thomas was raised
by Mar Abraham to the dignity of Metropolitan of
Ree GVOl Mile peed 2, 2 See Vol. ii. pp) 1037 Adame
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS AND ITS PLAN AND CONTENTS. xXXVilI
Beth Garmai, a large and important church-province,’
and it was in this capacity that he was present in 8527
at the ordination of his brother Theodosius, who had
been appointed Bishop of al-Anbar by Sabhr-Ishdé, and
later Metropolitan of Gundé-Shabhor.
Of the date of the death of Thomas, nothing is
known.
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS AND ITS PLAN AND
CONTENTS.
The Book of Governors is the largest and most
important of the works which were written by Thomas,
Bishop of Marga and Metropolitan of Béth Garmai,
and as all the existing MSS. of the work agree in their
arrangement of chapters and general contents we may
* For its extent and boundaries see Hoffmann, Axsziige,
p. 253f.
The authority for these statement is “Amr ibn-Mattai;
see Assemani, B. O., ili. I. p. 210. (sepals cys Se
Dyplusria Adpho dl AB, Lodi Ss eo Ed ew dolls
Compare also eet ulybe Logs poewll roll yams
Theodosius was thrown into prison by the Khalifa Mutawakkil
because of an accusation brought against him by Sergius the
physician, who said that he was perpetually sending ambas-
sadors with information to the Byzantine Greeks. Theodosius
was afterwards examined and was asked to deny the truth of
this statement upon oath, but he declined to take the oath on
the ground that his law did not permit him to swear, where-
upon he was taken back to prison. Theodosius remained three
years in prison; he lived two years after he was liberated, and
died in October A. D. 858, and was buried in the Monastery
of Kélil-Ishé'. See Bar-Hebraeus, Chron. Eccles, ii. coll. 194, 198.
XXVIII INTRODUCTION.
conclude that it has come down to us in the form in
which it left the hands of its author. In one place
Thomas records that he has written accounts of certain
saints in “another book”,’ but it would seem that this
work, which is no longer extant, unless a copy exists
in some remote village in the mountains between Mosul
and Urmi, was merely a supplement to the Book of
Governors, and not a composition of the length and
importance of that of which the complete text is now
published for the first time. It is evident too that
Thomas considered the Book of Governors to be the
most important of his writings, for beyond this solitary
allusion to “another book” he makes no mention whatever
of any other work by him, and all his references and
quotations are made to chapters in the Book of
Governors. His homily upon Mar Maran-ammeh, written
in three hundred and seventy-eight lines in dodeca-
syllabic metre, is included in the third section of the
Book of Governors, and as the words “Here endeth
the third book” follow at the end, it is clear that its
position is not accidental. That so able and learned
a writer as Thomas, who flourished at a period noto-
rious for its paucity of authors, both Nestorian and
Jacobite, should have limited himself to the production
of the Book of Governors, the Metrical Homily
upon Mar Maran-ammeh, and the other work referred
to above, is incredible; nevertheless other writings by
him are unknown, and none of the enquiries which I
made of priests and scribes at Moésul and in the villages
round about, elicited any information on this matter.
The composition of the Book of Governors must
+See (Voli 71655)
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS AND ITS PLAN AND CONTENTS. XXIX
have extended over a period of several years. We
know from Thomas himself that when he entered Beth
‘Abhé in 832, none of his lives’ of the holy men of
that house had been written,’ and as he tells us several
times* that he obtained the information which he is
giving from Mar Abraham while he acted as secretary
to him, the Book of Governors could not have been
finished before Thomas was appointed Bishop of Marga.
As Thomas is described as “Bishop of Marga” in the
title of his work, and not as “Metropolitan of Beth
Garmat’, it is tolerably certain that it was completed,
and that copies of it were in the hands of the scribes,
before Mar Abraham raised him to the latter dignity,
which must, however, have taken place not later than
850, for in that year the Patriarch died.
The Book of Governors occupies an unique position
in Syriac literature, and it fully deserves the veneration
with which it has been and is still regarded by all
classes of Nestorians to whom it is known. It must
not be classed with compendious works like the “Chro-
nicle” and “Ecclesiastical History” of Bar-Hebraeus, or
with the ordinary “Lives of the Saints”, in which the
writer's only care is to exalt at every cost the characters
of the saints, and to revel in narratives of miraculous
events? and visions, or with the smaller histories of |
monasteries and their founders, which are frequently
characterized by narrowness of mind and party spirit.
Thomas was a monk in the Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé,
7 See Vol. ii. p. 266. 2 See Vol. ii. pp. 480, 477, 497.
3 For miracles recorded by Thomas see especially pp. 243,
260, 305, and 647—655. That he believed in the appearance
of angels and devils in bodily forms seems certain from pp. 84,
319, 404, etc.
XXX INTRODUCTION.
and he shows great love for that house throughout
his work. He was moved to write the histories of its
holy men by the admiration which he felt for them and for
their stern lives, and although in the course of his work he
loses no opportunity of recording any fact which
redounds to the glory of his house or to the praise
of its past inmates, he is at the same time anxious to
record the noble deeds of other ascetics in the countries
round about Marga, and wherever possible to give full
and trustworthy accounts of matters which had a bearing
upon the history of the Nestorian Church generally.
A perusal of the Book of Governors will show that
Béth ‘Abhé was no ordinary monastery, and that its
inmates were often as famous for their high social
position as for their asceticism and learning. Many of
the monks and ascetics therein belonged to noble
Persian and Arab families, and the far-reaching influence
of its sons who had gone forth into all parts of
Armenia, Kurdistan, Babylonia, Arabia, Persia, and even
into remote China, gave that house a reputation which
must have eclipsed that of all others during the period
of its greatest glory. The glory of the monks of the
Scete desert and of the Egyptian solitaries and ascetics
of the Thebaid was greatly enhanced by the sym-
pathetic history of Palladius, Bishop of Hellenopolis,
who traversed all Egypt, from Alexandria on the Medi-
terranean sea-coast in the north to rocky Syene in the
south, in quest of materials for his work; and there is
no doubt that Thomas of Marga’s ambition was to
write a lasting memorial of the learned and ascetic
band of monks of his beloved Monastery of Beéth
‘Abhé which should be similar in every respect to the
“Paradise” of Palladius. From his earliest youth the
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS AND ITSPLAN AND CONTENTS. XXXI
traditions of the wonderful things which Rabban Mar
Ish6“zékha, Bishop of Salakh, had wrought in that coun-
try had been instilled into him,* and having come to
Béth “Abhé he used to listen to the histories of certain
of its past inmates, and by reason of the fervour which
burned in him, he never failed to make enquiries con-
cerning them, and endeavoured to learn about each
one of them from the old men who were to be found
there.” We may be certain from the general accuracy
of his work that he kept careful notes of these tradi-
tions, and that whenever he met aged monks from
other monasteries, or visited districts where Nestorian
monasteries existed, he lost no opportunity of correcting
his facts or of supplementing them with new matter obtain-
ed as far as possible at first hand.* The library of Beth
‘Abhé contained a large collection of books, many of
which had been bequeathed by pious benefactors,* and
his frequent quotations prove that Thomas made good
use of them. With one book especially he was well
acquainted, I mean the redaction of the “Paradise” of
Palladius, made by “Andn-Isho‘ in the second half of the
seventh century of our era. This learned monk was
originally an inmate of the Great Monastery of Mount
izla near Nisibis, and as his mind was continually fixed
upon the lives and works of the ascetic fathers, he
determined to visit Jerusalem and the Scete desert,
where “he learned concerning all the manner of the
lives of the ascetic fathers, whose histories and questions
are written in books, and concerning their dwellings,
mee, Vol. il. p. 267. 2 See Vol. ii. p.-266.
meocemeV Ol. ii. ps 462.
4 See Vol. ii. pp. 174, 179, 239, 282, 299.
XXX INTRODUCTION.
and the places in which they lived”.* Having returned
from Egypt he came to his old monastery, but soon
after he left it on account of the dissensions which
were taking place there, and came to Béth ‘Abhé where
he devoted himself to study. His fame for learning
became so great that when the Patriarch Ishé-yahbh IIL.
wished to have the “Hudhra’, or Service-book for the
whole year, drawn up, he selected ‘Andn-Isho for the
work. In addition to this he wrote a book upon philo-
sophical divisions and definitions, a treatise upon the
difficult words which occur in the writings of the fathers,
anda work upon the different pronunciation and meaning
of words which are spelt with the same letters. At
the request of the Patriarch George, who sat from
A.D. 661 to 680, he undertook to redact the “Book of
Fathers”, z. é, the “Paradise” of Palladius, and the
example of his work and his personality as exhibited
in it so affected Thomas that in speaking of him he
says, “the love of him is very dear and sweet to me’”,’
and, “being inflamed by love for him I have written
down his honourable memorial among the histories of
the holy men who were his fellow-workers and
associates”.3 ‘Anan-Ishé's work consisted of six hundred
chapters divided into fifteen books,‘ in each of which
were fifteen sections, four hundred and thirty chapters
upon general matters, and a large number of chapters
which he neither numbered nor arranged in any definite
order. He divided all these chapters into two volumes;
in the first were the histories of ascetics compiled by
Palladius and Jerome, and in the second were the
Jirertroe NEC) ays tte 8 I bE 2 See Viol. giao 7
3 See Vol. top: 192: 4. See. Vol. ii.-p. 190.
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS AND ITS PLAN AND CONTENTS. XXXiil
narratives of the Fathers and the ‘Questions’ which he
himself had collected. The “Paradise” of Palladius must
have been known in eastern monasteries long before
‘Andn-lshé undertook to edit, revise it and add to it,
nevertheless it was ‘Andn-Ishé‘s redaction of it which
was “handed down and received in all the monasteries
of the East”, and Thomas says that “the fathers every-
where praise his ability and applaud his work”. It was
this redaction which Thomas knew thoroughly, it was
from the ‘“Questions”* in the second volume that he
made so many quotations, and it was its concise and
easy arrangement which influenced Thomas in the
ordering of his own book. Making the necessary allow-
ance for differences of climate and racial characteristics,
there is scarcely an account of the life of a holy man
1 The following are specimens of the ‘Questions’ asked by
a ‘brother’, and answered by an ‘old man’. Who is the pure
monk? He who is remote from the delights of his body, and
who rejoiceth in the love of his neighbours in the love of God;
for as long as need ruleth in the soul, the expansion of the
soul is produced. With what can we overcome desire? By
the remembrance of the good things of the Spirit. If the
desire for the good things which are to come doth not annul
[that for] the things which are here, a man cannot overcome
desire. How doth a man go forth from the world? By for-
saking the happiness of his desire and by running as much as
he is able in the fulfilment of the commandments; he that doeth
thus shall not fall. By what is love made manifest? By the
fulfilment of works, by the meditation of the spirit, and by the
knowledge of belief. What are works? The keeping of the
commandments of the Lord, and purity of the inner man, together
with the labour of the outer man. What is remoteness from
the world? The mind which overcometh the lust of the body.
For if the body be not trampled down by the desire for endur-
ance a man cannot conquer in his strife.
(e)
XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
at Scete which does not find its counterpart in that
of an ascetic at Béth ‘Abhé; and when we consider
that the monasticism of Mesopotamia and the surround-
ing countries was derived directly from that of Scete
and of the deserts of the Red Sea and of the Thebaid
it is clear that it could not be otherwise. The monks
and ascetics of Egypt found their historian in Palladius,
and a true and enduring memorial of those of Béth
“Abhé has been handed down to us by Thomas, Bishop
of Marga.
Irom several notices scattered throughout the Book
of Governors we may obtain an idea of the plan and
system of the work and how it came to be written.
For many years before Thomas began to write the
histories of the holy men of Béth “Abhé he had been
accustomed to rehearse them before a_ fellow-monk
called ‘Abhd-Isho, who on hearing them entreated
Thomas to put them in writing to prevent their falling
into oblivion. For many years Thomas declined to
- do this, and urged by way of excuse that the Catholic
Church abounded in histories of holy men, and that a
work on this subject by him was unnecessary; he also
pleaded “inexperience of speech”. ‘Abhd-Ishé' refused
to accept these excuses, and whenever Thomas touched
upon the histories of holy men of Béth ‘Abhé in con-
versation, he renewed his pleadings for a collected
history of them; after Thomas had left Béth ‘Abhé
‘Abhd-Ishé sent “many-lined epistles” to him repeating
his request. At length the gentle water of his entreaty
softened the clay of Thomas’s understanding,’ and by
the united entreaties of Abhd-IshO (who came speci-
PSCC oY Ol. Tle anos
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS AND ITS PLAN AND CONTENTS. XXXV
ally to the monastery where Thomas lived to urge
them), of Rabban Paul, and of the congregation of monks of
Béth “Abhé, he undertook the work, attributing all their
earnestness in the matter to the Divine Will. That
Thomas fully appreciated the difficulties of his task we
may learn from one of his remarks in the second book,’
wherein he tells “Abhd-Isho' that for many years he
could not be persuaded to write down the histories
which he had been accustomed to sow in his ears, be-
cause such work entails “severe labours”, and cessation
from daily duties, and the constant urging of the mind
to make it bring into remembrance the things which
have been stored up in it for a long time. Thomas
began his task with the intention of writing the his-
tories of the holy men of Béth “Abhé only, but? in the
course of the work he found that in order to give
his narrative historical sequence it was necessary to
add to it accounts of some famous men who had not
lived in that monastery Moreover, he felt bound to
include in it the lengthy histories of Mar Maran-ammeh,
Bishop of Adiabene, and of Babhai the Musician, which
he wrote at the special request of Mar Hasan, “the
~member of Christ”, and son of Mar Sabhr-Ishé, Gover-
nor of Adiabene and Athdér.* Thomas intended as
far as possible to write an original work, but he states
in his ‘Apology’ that although he will turn aside from
the writings of others, yet wherever it is necessary he
will add the record and narrative of others, in order
to piece together and to harmonize the histories, and
also such repetitions as show forth the style and manner
2 See’ Vol. ii. p. 263. CCR Matai Da2 oO:
3 See Vol. ii. p. 83. Dee, VOL ii.ep-12e0.
XXXVI INTRODUCTION.
of the lives of the holy men. The histories which he
records are of two classes:—(i) those which he found
scattered here and there in the narratives of others,
and in the ecclesiastical histories of ancient authors,’
and (ii) those which did not exist in writing, and which
were neither inscribed in works specially devoted to
them, nor in other places, and which he learned from
the aged men? who were to be found in Béth ‘Abhé
while he lived there, and from other belief-worthy men
from other monasteries. In short, Thomas was ob-
liged to have recourse to written narratives for certain
data, but like Palladius he added to these a series of
facts of general importance which they had omitted to
describe, together with many forgotten unwritten tra-
ditions: “and since”, he says, “in the stories which are
my own I do not repeat untrue things, I shew forth
the trustworthiness of theirs.”3 As, however, other his-
torians have omitted certain matters at their discretion,
Thomas warns the reader that he claims the right to
do the same. ‘To preserve a strictly chronological
order in the arrangement of his histories Thomas finds
a matter of no small difficulty, and he entreats the
reader not to blame him when he finds that “one nar-
rative is in advance of its correct position, and another
is after it. For not all narratives will admit of being
written down in chronological order, lest peradventure
the root of history being severed, the narrative should
lean to one side, and become like an animal which
trieth to walk upon two of its four legs, a thing which
it is not in any way possible to do.”’5 And a little
See Vol. ii. p. 21. 2 See Vol. ii. p. Eye
3 See Volimi. ip. 2i 4 SecoVols te paoas
> mec (VOL. ai. 1p. . 217.
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS AND ITS PLAN AND CONTENTS. XXXVil
farther back’ addressing “Abhd-Ishé, to whom he dedi-
cates his work, Thomas says, “Now although the order
of the narratives of our work is destroyed and they
do not possess the chronological sequence which it
was expected they should possess, nevertheless accord-
ing to my own opinion and according to the historical
tradition which I have received from my fathers, I have
preserved the order of the times, and of those who
lived in them. And even if one person should be
placed a little too late, and another a little too early,
this is not a matter for blame and reproach, inasmuch
as thy wisdom, O ‘Abhd-Isho‘, did entreat me to go
round the whole circle of the ascetics who have lived
in this monastery and through all the mass of their
histories, and to bring them to light before thee.”
At the very outset Thomas disclaims any wish to
write a history of miracles,* his intention being to set
down in writing only such things as are accepted by
discreet and prudent men, always provided that they
are not prejudicial to the truth in any particular. The
credibility of the things which Thomas relates must,
he thinks, rest with the reader and be dependent upon
his faith, for “all things which have been, and which
are, and which shall be, inasmuch as we have not been
spectators of them, we must accept the saying con-
cerning them in faith, for without it no single one of
the things which are related, without seeing could we
accept. Those who have themselves laboured in the
virtues of holy men, and have participated in the small-
est degree in the great joy which is bestowed upon
Broce Vol. il, p. 213. PPOCGON Ole thane 24:
J See. Vol. ii, p. 23.
XXXVIII1 INTRODUCTION.
prosperous toilers in the ascetic life, possess from within
a firm conviction concerning these things, inasmuch as
experience has ‘taught them that these things which
are stated aremruc.«
Although Thomas never loses an opportunity of
praising monks and the profession of the ascetic life,
he likewise when truth requires never shrinks from
recording events which would certainly provoke adverse
criticism on the part of the scoffer or unbeliever. Thus
he gives a long and apparently just account of the
circumstances which gave rise to the expulsion of the
monks who lived in the outer cells of the Monastery
of Izl4, and had married wives,? and of the causes
which led to the departure of Jacob; the founder of the
Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé; and although these things
reflected no credit upon any of the principal movers
in the matter Thomas tells the truth concerning them
in plain, unmistakeable language. Another instance of
his fairness is his care to record the history of the
nun who after having “led the life of holy angels for
forty years, fell through the working of Satan.”* The
deceit practised by certain members of the Church in
raising Gregory of Seleucia to the dignity of Catholicus
instead of Gregory, Metropolitan of Nisibis, as Khusrau
had commanded; the quarrels which took place between
ish6-yahbh IIL and the monks of Béth Abhé; the
schism in the Persian Nestorian Church caused by
Simon, Metropolitan of Rew-Ardashir and Katar, who
refused obedience to isho-yahbh as his diocesan; the
heresy of the Mésalléyané or monks who, refusing to
See LV OlMiie 23: 2° See, Voli 1ifip ess:
Peeyae WYajk th sey, ae) 4 Sees Vols iF p.nya:
THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS AND ITS PLAN AND CONTENTS. XXXIiX
labour with their hands, professed to be able to obtain
the salvation of their souls by prayer alone; the con-
version of Sahdona to the doctrine of the Jacobites, etc.,
are described with an impartiality which is very un-
usual in a work like the Book of Governors.
It has been stated above that Thomas modelled
his own work after the manner of that of Palladius,
and it is clear that he was indebted to it for his know-
ledge of the lives of the principal ascetics of the deserts
of Egypt. From his quotations, however, we see that
he was well acquainted with all the principal Nestorian
writers upon the ascetic life, and that he must have had
access to Syriac translations of works—for there is no
evidence that Thomas knew Greek—containing tradi-
tions not commonly found. Among the traditions may
be mentioned those which assert that Manasseh “estab-
lished* in the holy temple an idol with four faces”
yest obip faodd fans Deseo cus2; and that Plato built for
himself “a cell in the heart of the wilderness, beyond
the habitation of man, and that he took the covenant
of the blessed Moses, and meditated on the verse,
fiear © Israel, the Lord thy God is One’, for three
years, until God the Lord of all saw his toil and trouble
and granted His mercy unto him, and he wrote saying,
‘The God of the Jews is one in nature, and three in
Persons’, and behold this composition on His similarity
of nature and unity, and on the Trinity of Persons and
their attributes is in the books of the Church.”* Usu-
ally Thomas gives his authority for every quotation;
the greater number of those to which no names are
msec. Vol. ii. p. 58. cen Vv Olai.n5 32:
xl INTRODUCTION.
attached are to be found in the “Questions of the
Fathers.”
The version of the Scriptures used by Thomas was
the Péshittaé, and his quotations from it are generally
made with such care that we may assume that he did
not rely entirely upon his memory. A quotation made
by him from St. Matthew’s Gospel (xxviii. 19, 20)
has, however, an interesting variant,’ for we read, “and
behold I am with you all the days in which the world
maintaineth the course of its generations” @>%$ &} ie
sre bS50n5 PAS ako Mersp ied. eade 2; here xoko Ayre
vroSSo.3 feds is the equivalent of the words cmSoxS fas
woSi2* in the Peshitta=we tig ouvtedeiug Tod aiWvoc.
The Book of Governors is divided into six sections,
in which there are 35, 44, 14, 25, 17 and 18 chapters
respectively. The first section begins with the history
of the founding of the Monastery of Mount Izla at the
beginning of the VIth century, and ends with an
account of the murder of Khusrau A.D. 628; and the
second section treats of events which took place be-
tween 630 and 754, 2.@, of the period of the greatest
wealth and glory of Béth “Abhé. The third section
records the lives of Babhai the musician and founder of
schools, and of Maran-ammeh, Metropolitan of Adiabene,
which were written at the request of Mar Hasan, a
wealthy Persian noble; Babhai and Maran-ammeh
flourished in the middle of the VIIIth century; at the
end of the third section the wonderful deeds of Maran-
reDee? VOL it; ‘p26;
* Compare the reading in Evangeliarium hierosolymitanumi,
ed. Lagarde, p. 318 Chand aed (XO ALO L.wd. eomsoa oa» foo) 332 cro
fodso.
THE MONASTERY OF BETH “ABHE. xi
ammeh are recounted in a poem of four hundred and
sixteen lines. The fourth section deals chiefly with the
lives of Rabban Isho'-yahbh and of Mar Cyriacus, heads
of the Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé; these distinguished
ascetics lived in the VIIIth century. The fifth section
contains the lives of Shibhhal-ishdé, Yahbhlaha and
Kardagh his brother, Elijah, Bishop of Mokan and
Narses, Bishop of Shenna; the sixth section is devoted
to the lives of Rabban Cyprian, and Gabriel the Abbot
of the Monastery of Birta, in the country of Marga,
and to a general summary of the names of the ascetics
who flourished in other parts of Marga.
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ‘ABHE.
The exact situation of the Monastery of Béth “Abhé
is unknown, but it is quite clear that it must have
stood in the mountains at a short distance from the
Upper or Great Zab, on its right bank, for when
Bastohmagh the Persian nobleman and friend of Jacob,
the founder of Béth ‘Abhé, went to visit him, he rode
from his estate of Béth Ziwa, which lay on the left
bank, and crossed the river by the King’s Bridge,
and passing by the village of Estwan so came to Béth
‘Abhé.". The monastery was built in the mountains to
the south of Elerpa in Saphsapha under Mount Niphates,’
about sixty or seventy miles to the N. E. of Mosul,
and it is probable that a town or village also called
Béth ‘Abhé was situated near it. The country in its
immediate neighbourhood seems not to have been
suitable for growing fruit or vegetables which required
peoces Vol. ti. p- 84.
moce 5. 0., li. p. 420; and Vol. it. :p..153:
(f)
xlii INTRODUCTION.
much heat, for Thomas particularly mentions that Kabban
Ezekiel, who founded the monastery called after his
name, used to send to Béth‘Abhé “fruits and any good
things which were not to be found here”. On the other
hand it enjoyed a milder climate than Dasen, the
district which extends from Da’tidija along to the Upper
Zab, for Thomas tells us that when Mar Abraham of
Béth Rabban Zékha-Ish6 became an old man, he left
his monastery on account of the cold and came to
live at Béth “Abhé.? Like the ancient monasteries in
the mountains near Nisibis, and the Monastery of
Rabban Hormuzd near Alkésh, and the Monastery of
Rabban Mar Mattai on Jebel Maklib, it must have
stood some considerable way up in the mountains.
Unlike many Nestorian monasteries, however, it enjoyed
the great advantage of having near it a spring of
water which flowed by a channel into a tank near the
monastery buildings; thus the monks were able to
obtain fresh water daily, and had no need to
collect rain water in stone cisterns hewn out of the
rock. From two passages? in the Book of Governors
we are able to see that the Monastery of Béth “Abhé
was built upon a mountain peak between two valleys;
in one flowed the river Zab and in the other some
tributary thereof. On one occasion, probably in the spring of
the year (z. e, February and March), when the snows
on the mountains melt, and torrents of water pour
themselves into every channel leading to the Tigris,
both valleys were flooded, and the water rose and
eS CE OL epetioas 2 See. Vole epee
5 For the account of the monk who opened the channel in
order to lead water to his olive tree, see Vol. ii. p. 426.
4 See Vol. ii. pp. 83, 404.
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ABH. xliii
threatened to sweep away the monastery buildings; at
this moment Rabban Jacob went forth and by his
miraculous power he adjured the flood until its waters
abated. These two valleys are also mentioned in the
account of the vision which Abba Ishé-dadh saw when
he. was going up from the monastery to “his cell which
was situated on the top of the ridge of the mountain
which is between two valleys, to the right as thou
goest up to the head of the spring, and opposite to
the fortress which is called the “Little’.* From this it
is clear that the Zab flowed on the eastern side of
the monastery and it is probable that the Little Fortress
was on the other side of the river. The mountain
whereon Béth ‘Abhé stood must have been well
wooded, hence the name of the monastery Béth ‘Abhé,
4S \3 “the house in the forest.”
The exact date when Béth ‘Abhé was founded is
unknown. It is usually assumed (upon the authority of
Thomas, Bishop of Marga), that it was established by
Rabban Jacob, who was originally a monk in the
Monastery of Mount I2la, and who was born at Lashom,
a village on the great road from Bagdad to Mosul
about thirty miles south of Kerkik, in the middle of
the sixth century of our era. Assemani thought that
Béth ‘Abhé was founded by Rabban Bar-hadh-bhé-
shabba, who, when Rabban Jacob came to him on his
way to Béth ‘Abhé, went with him to that mon-
astery, and also tarried with him there until he was
established as head therein It is difficult to under-
t See Vol. ii. p. 404.
2 HS Ns renders Ty! M3 and sm. in 1 Kings vil. 2, and
Isaiah xxii. 8.
3 See Vol. ii. p. 609.
xliv INTRODUCTION.
stand why Thomas says nothing about the earlier
foundation, if it existed. In the life of Rabban Hormizd
it is said that after he had lived in the Monastery of
Bar-Idta for thirty-nine years he decided to depart
from thence, and that he communicated his decision to
a pious monk called Abraham, who had lived in the
Monastery of Béth “Abhé for thirteen years before he
came to the Monastery of Bar-Idta.* The Monastery
of Rabban Hormizd was consecrated by “the Patriarch
Tomarsa the Second”, of whom the lists of Patriarchs
say nothing, for they only mention oze Tomarsa or
Tamtza who sat from A. D. 384—392. Now Rabban
Hormizd died at the age of eighty-seven years, having
lived in his own monastery for twenty-two years—for
he finished building it when he was sixty-five years of
age—and in the Monastery of Bar-Idta for thirty-
nine years, and in the Monastery of Risha for six years.
From these facts it is clear that if the Monastery of
Rabban Hormizd was consecrated by the Patriarch
Tomarsa, the saint must have been living at the
Monastery of Bar-Idté in the middle of the fourth
century; and as his friend Abraham had lived at the
Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé for thirteen years before he
came to the Monastery of Bar-Idta it follows that
the Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé must have existed at
that early date, and that it flourished contemporaneously
with the Monastery of Mar Awgin near Nisibis, and with
the Monastery of Risha, which was one of the oldest
monastic foundations in the country round about Nine-
veh. This, however, is impossible, for it is a notorious
* Gs Rasp Jowosy.
2 See zfra, ‘Rabban Hormizd and his Monastery.’
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ABHE. xlv
fact that Christian monasticism was first introduced in-
to Mesopotamia by Mar Awgin the Egyptian, who for-
sook his occupation as a pearl fisher in his native
place on the “island of Clysma” near the modern Suez,
and went to live at the Monastery of Pachomius in
Egypt. After a short time he departed for Mesopotamia,
and built a monastery in the mountains near Nisibis.
‘The period of this saint’s life is well known, for he was
a friend of James of Nisibis, he watched the siege of
Nisibis by Sapor, and in his days the Emperor Con-
stantine died; Mar Awgin himself died A. D. 362, being
an old man. It must be remembered that Saint Anthony,
the founder of Egyptian monasticism, did not die until
A. D. 356, and it is not credible that the Monasteries
of Rabban Bar ‘Idta and Béth ‘Abhé were flourishing
institutions before that date; moreover, if Béth ‘Abhé
had existed in the fourth century the fact would cer-
tainly have been known to Thomas, Bishop of Marga,
and we have sufficient experience of his desire to
relate matters which redound to the glory of his monas-
tery to know that he would never have omitted to
place before us the facts which would prove that Béth
‘Abhé was not only the “King of Monasteries”,t but
also that it was one of the most ancient. That Beth
‘Abhé was an older foundation than Rabban Hormizd
is almost certain, and that some form of monastic life
was led by monks there before the arrival of Jacob
of Lashom is also nearly certain; it is very doubtful,
however, if the foundation of Rabban Hormizd is older
than the latter part of the sixth century, if as old.
The Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé is also mentioned
fesee #V Ol: ii. p.s 2.02.
xlvi INTRODUCTION.
in a very interesting collection of ecclesiastical histories
from which Prof. Guidi has published some extracts,’
but the notice is not sufficiently definite to help us in
assigning an exact date to the founding of Béth “Abhé.
After recording the capture of Dara in the fourteenth
year of Khusrau, and certain particulars concerning the
period in the history of the Nestorian Church when
it was without a patriarch, and concerning Jazdin the
“advocate of the Church’, the writer says pee a
p> st) Whatdums <i=at> int am> ex aam
AC .aTAZA MIS sth >I thos Sam .luncs
ands ida wd eSRwA wtAL adel caidas
Delt AnAS td cot MIS TIS WIA AM =
Ax peWtmas diss cule sto Ss dust tas
t> omp> 4t00 7awotas Sims thal alos 1X
TULA ais
“Now in those days Mar Babhai of Izla (who ruled
that monastery after? Rabban Mar Abraham of Kashkar),*
and many toiling brethren who went forth from that monas-
tery, I mean Mar Jacob who founded the monastery
of Béth “Abhé, and Mar Elijah who built a monastery’
on the bank of the Tigris near the Hebrew Fortress,”
and Mar Babhai bar-Nésibh|n]ayé, were shining brightly
with the life of excellence”.
About the date when Jacob of Lashom first came
* Un Nuovo Testo Strtaco sulla storia degh ultimi Sassanidz
(Tiré des Actes du 8e Congrés International des Orientalistes,
tenu en 1889 a Stockholm et a Christiania).
* Guidi’s emendation of j.sas for 2s is certainly correct. -
3 This is a mistake, for Dadh-Ishé° succeeded Abraham as
head of Izl4; see Vol. ii. p. 42.
Ppeleei Nielty Uh Bh <7, SL. @, Axed! 52> near Mosul.
© See Vol. ii. pp. 337, 368, and 461.
THE MONASTERY OF BETH “ABHE. xlvil
to Béth “Abhé there is no doubt, for Rabban Ishé-
zekha, Rabban Bar “Idta and Thomas, Bishop of Marga,
all agree in saying that he arrived there in the fifth
year of the reign of Khusrau, z. ¢, A. D. 595 or 596.
The Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé consisted of a church
and of a number of buildings which were gathered
close around it. In these buildings certain rooms were
set apart for the kitchen and other domestic offices,
for the refectory and “common-room” of the brethren,
for the library, for the entertainment of strangers, etc.
A special “cell” was reserved for the use of the head
of the monastery. It is impossible to form any exact
idea of the size of the church of Béth ‘Abhé, and our
only information concerning the building itself is derived
from the allusions to it made by Thomas, Bishop of
Marga. During the lifetime of Rabban Jacob, that is
at the end of the sixth century, the monastery con-
tained eighty men,’ and it is hardly likely that the
church would be a large one; judging by the churches
of monasteries which I have seen in the East the rough
dimensions would be 70 feet><50 feet. In the days of
Isho-yahbh IIL, zz, about A.D. 650, when the number
of monks had risen to three hundred,’ it was found
necessary to build a new church, and it seems unlikely
that this work would have been undertaken unless the
old church had fallen into ruin or had become too
small for the use of the community. The *@ or
church first built at Béth “Abhé was of clay and unbaked
brick, and during the life-time of Rabban Jacob it was
once almost swept away by a flood which filled both
valleys and threatened to destroy it The constant
t.See Vol. ii. p. 101. 2 See Vol. ii. p. 131.
meee Vol il. (p..33.
xlvill INTRODUCTION.
wear and tear of the walls by wind and weather, and
the unsettling action of the river floods each spring
upon the foundations induced the monks to build their
second church in another place.
The second church at Béth “Abhé was built by
isho-yahbh IIL, the Patriarch and Catholicus, and son
of Bastohmagh of Kuphlana the friend of Rabban Jacob
the founder (or re-founder) of the monastery, soon
after he became Catholicus, z. ¢, between 647—657.
Thomas describes it as a “splendid temple” and built
at “great expense“, and Mar Sabhr-ishé, Metropolitan
Bishop of Béth Garmai, and Mar George, Metropolitan
of Adiabene, and all the Bishops of Athér and Adiabene
were present at its consecration. About a century
later this second church had fallen into decay
and “had become old through the lapse of years’,’ and
Ishé-yahbh the head of the monastery, a kinsman and
namesake of Ishé-yahbh IIL, the Catholicus, determined
to pull it down and to build one of lime in its place.
He seems to have set about the work in an able
manner, for having gathered together workmen and
hewers of stone, he took them toa quarry in the
mountain of Débhar Hephton near the Zab, and showed
them where to hew the stone. He next made rafts
for transporting to the foot of the mountain the blocks
of limestone intended for building the great buttress
on the side of the rock upon which the new church
was to stand, and he carried them on the backs of
mules and donkeys to the site of the church. He then
burned the limestone and pounded it into lime, and
collected stones and burned bricks. Having removed
Pi oce VOWseo elo Ls 2 See Voli spas:
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ‘ABHE. xlix
the altar and the coffins and bodies of the holy men
who were buried in the martyrium to the library, he
began to pull down the “wide and massive old walls”,’
which had been built of stiff clay brought from Ha-
dhatta, a town on the left bank of the Tigris, a little
below the mouth of the Upper or Great Zab. When
the monks of Béth Abhe saw their church being pulled
down they murmured greatly against Ishé-yahbh and
offered the keenest opposition to his work, and to add
to his troubles at this critical juncture the governor
of Mosul, “a greedy and avaricious man’, fined the
monastery fifteen thousand pieces of silver, a sum
equal to about £375 of our money. Thomas tells us
that Ishé-yahbh begun to build in “difficult times”, and
for monks to do such a thing in such times was a sure
sign to the Muhammadan ruler of Mosul that they had
more money than they knew what to do with, and he
therefore acted in the usual manner. Meanwhile the
work was going on, and the walls were rising, and the
day fixed for the payment of the builder drew nigh;
the first contract was for seven thousand zuzzé, a sum
equal to about 4175 of our money and Isho-yahbh
had not the wherewithal to pay. By a miracle, however,
the money was produced, and when Ishé-yahbh paid
it to the builder he made a second contract for the
completion of the work which was estimated to cost
thirteen thousand zizé, 7. e, about £ 325 of our money.
This large sum was paid in a most providential manner,’
and the rebuilding of the church was completed. {sho-
yahbh waited for a year so that the foundations and
walls might settle, and then he put on the roof. He
* See Vol. ii. p. 400. Ze eceuV Oly iiepa 410;
(g)
] INTRODUCTION.
had the intention of building the porter’s lodge and
the general buildings of the monastery with stones and
lime, but unfortunately, he died on the second Friday
after the Easter following the completion of his work.
Each of the three churches of Béth ‘Abhé must
have had a flat roof, above which rose either rectangular
projections or domes, and each must have been lighted
from windows cut high up in the walls.
As no plans or detailed descriptions of these churches
have come down to us we are obliged to have recourse
to the allusions to the various parts of them scattered
through the work of Thomas of Marga, and to the descrip-
tions’ of churches of monasteries now standing, to obtain
an idea of their internal divisions and arrangements. .
The church of a monastery was oriented to the east, and
contained three main divisions in its longitudinal base.
At the extreme east end stood the altar,? tsa% or 03,
raised upon a step or steps, which was approached from
the #5—/is—xoyyn—Bfua; this part of the church was
kept closed by means of the “gates of the xKdyxn”
fade 954 and the vail Ste—fAda, velwm. Strictly speaking,
the #%s was the circular projection from the east wall
of the church in which the altar stood, and the ss
was the space which was raised above the rest of the
floor of the church to the height of three steps and
by which the 4%» was approached; we may see, however,
that the word 5 included both places, for the doors
which led to the #= are called fa%s> \ and not 5s
* See Badger, The Westorians, vol. 1., p. 94ff.; and Peter-
mann, /ezsen; t. li. p. 317.
2 And upon the altar stood a cross; see Bk. V. chap. 15,
VOL ie pes 3
3 Compare jaisS wus wp Ausx0 Bk. V. chap. 15, Vol. ii. p. 543.
THE MONASTERY OF BETH “ABHE. li
#52. Above the “gates of the #48” stood the Aes
2. €, ppdxtng, or screen. The #5->% portion of the
church was approached by three steps called ¢%8> Ap,
and on each side of them was the bench-shaped wall
called oas,o8?—KatTdoTpwuda.
Below the #5 i» was the 03, 2.¢, vadc, which
was set apart for the performance of choral services
by the monks, and into which the laity were not allowed
to enter. In the #03 stood two lecterns; from that on
the south side the #4», or extract from the Old Testa-
ment or from the Acts of the Apostles, was read by
the deacon, and from that on the north the #As, or
extract from the Epistles of St. Paul, by the sub-deacon.
The #03, or place of the choir of the monastery,’ or
chancel, was raised the height of one step above the
remaining portion of the floor at the west end of the
church, (like the ancient Zwiea),3 and was divided from
it by gates (—mtAn wpatm), over which curtains oi “4:
were hung.
Below the #03, in that portion of the church called
by the Greeks nvévaog, sat the male portion of the
laity, and on the south or north side, or on both, but
separated from the mpdvaog by a lattice or grating, was
the #3 or place set apart for women.‘
In the south-east corner, in the #s5-%, stood a
* See Vol. ii. pp. 342, 544.
2 A part of the #03, or all of it, probably formed the ns
$xaxs or “place of the service” of Thomas of Marga; see the
Syriac text p. 312, 1. 8, and Vol. ii. p. 551. That it must have
been near the {4 Ms or martyrium we know from Bk. VI.
chap. 7 (Vol. ii. p. 621).
3 See Du Cange, Glossarzum, col. 1513.
4 In the larger churches the women also sat in galleries;
lii INTRODUCTION.
smaller altar dedicated to some saint, and close by
stood the font; in or near this corner was the #30s \s5
or place of baptism. In the north-east corner was a
chamber called a» ~s “house of the saints’, or #42 3
“house of the martyrs”, where the monks were buried;
a door on its west side led into the S5e@ sz or place
where the after-supper service was said. The martyrium
of Béth “Abhé contained a casket in which were pre-
served the relics of some of the Apostles which Ishé-
yahbh IIL had stolen from Antioch,‘ and in it were buried
five metropolitans and eighteen bishops.? When Isho-
yahbh III. built the second church at Béth “Abhé their
bodies were not disturbed, but when his namesake
built the third church a century later they were removed
to the library temporarily.
In front of the church was a portico #\@1, 2, @,
ot6a which usually extended along the entire length of
the front of the church; the space between the pillars
or supports of its roof was called #é\o1 ws, “the place
of pillars”, and the portion of the church immediately
inside the west wall was called # ss, or the place
where the office for the night was sung)
The plan of the arrangement of the various parts
of an ancient Nestorian Church will be better understood
from the following rough plan.
compare KaTnxovueva yuvaiKkivng Du Cange, Glossarium,
col. 621. }
DDE CHAV OLMLa DOT. zyoce Vol il peeaer
3 The positions of these places are indicated by Thomas,
who tells us that as Rabban Cyriacus was going into the por-
tico from the temple, and as Sergius was going into the temple
from the colonnade, they met each other in the ‘‘place of the
watchers” z. @, f§¢% News. See Vol. ii. p. 431.
* An excellent account of oriental ecclesiastical architecture
THE MONASTERY OF BETH “ABHE. liti
EAST
16
S50 Nas
Bxoxd Ne 13 ay
ae [piel? coun
NORTH
NAOX 13
ra iis Ze
Be TUAGL WPaiar ih
af. 13 cD) I2 cB)
oh a TTPONAO 5
| S or Sua Ss
O fioS,01 N37 O
Peers On) OF. On On OO ©7O..O
fod,o2,"° OTOd
WEST
t Altar raised on steps or platform. ? Altar dedicated to some saint.
3 The apse, Kéy7xn. 4 The d%mé. 5 Bench-like wall, katdotpwya. © The
steps of the apse. 7 The lectern from which the extracts from the Old
Testament or Acts are read. © 8 The lectern from which the extracts from
St. Paul’s Epistles are read. 9 The place where certain services were per-
formed. 1° The naos, chancel, or choir of the monks. 1 The naos gates,
12 The haiklé or ‘temple’ where the male portion of the laity sit. 13 The
place set apart for women. 14 The place of baptism. 15 The martyrium.
16 The place where compline was said. 17 The colonnade. 18 The portico.
by Brockhaus will be found in Herzog, Lucyhklopadie fiir Pro-
testantische Theologie und Kirche, under the heading Baukunst,
Vol. ii. Leipzig, 1878.
liv 2 INTRODUCTION.
About the middle of the seventh century the altar
of Béth ‘Abhé was dressed with cloths which had been
specially woven for the purpose in the island of Dirén
in the Persian Gulf by the command of George the
Catholicus,* and in the days of Timothy the Catholicus
(A. D. 780—820), the monastery received a gift of
curtains for the choir, vestments, efc., which had been
specially woven in Gilan and Dail6m for Mar Shubhhal-
Ish6 who was originally a monk at Béth ‘Abhé. This
zealous man had been carrying on the Nestorian pro-
paganda among the heathen living in the mountainous
districts near the Caspian Sea, and was returning to
his beloved monastery laden with gifts, “and every-
thing which befitted the honour of his monastery”,? when
he was set upon by robbers and murdered.
Of the internal decoration or ornament of the church
of Béth Abhé we know nothing, but it is very probable
that the interior of the first church was quite plain;
whether the wealthy Ishé-yahbh III. brought back from
Asia Minor pictures for the second church which he
built or not is an open question. The modern Nes-
torian churches are, in my opinion, greatly disfigured
by the bad oleographs of saints which are hung about
the walls.
The congregation of monks was summoned to the
church by the sacristan by the sound of a board struck, and
this means of assembling the monks was also used on all
ts CGR Ol iL Deel oom 2 ee. VOleil. p-atoat
3 Some interesting descriptions of modern Nestorian churches
are given by Perkins, A Reszdence of Eight Years in Persia,
p- 177; Southgate, Narrative of a Tour through Armenia, Kur-
distan, Persia and Mesopotamia, vol. ii. p. 235; and Smith and
Dwight, Researches in Armenia, vol. ii. p. 210.
THE MONASTERY OF BETH “ABHE. lv
special occasions, as for instance when Mar Elijah
exposed the monks who had been living with their
wives in the outer cells of the monastery,’ and when
the Catholicus Sélibha-zékha attempted to steal the
Evangeliarium set with gold and precious stones from
the monastery. The order for striking the board was,
however, only to be given by the head of the mon-
astery.?
The daily services in the church were seven in
number, and the monks were careful to imitate the
Psalmist who said,
‘Seven times a day do I praise thee,
“Because of thy righteous judgments”.
The principal times of prayer were just before sunset,
at dusk, at midnight, at day-break, and in the morning;
the recluses and ascetics considered it to be their duty
to pray always. At the services extracts from the
Old and New Testaments were read; collects were said,
and hymns, anthems and responsories were sung.’ The
Psalter was divided into a number of Cathzsmata® or
So a certain number of which were sung each day. At
Béth “Abhé particular attention was paid to the singing,
and several of its inmates were famous for their fine
voices and for their knowledge of music. At the con-
secration of the second church at Béth‘Abhé a young
man called Jacob of Béth Naihadhra was sent up to the
m3 2. €, Bua, or raised portion of the church before
the altar, to sing the psalms for the day, and his sweet
foece V Ole ii, pi 55. eee. VOlML ep. 220.
Bemee aV Ol. iit. Dp. 55. 4 Psalm cxix. 164.
5 Badger, WVestorzans, vol. ii. p. 23.
feoce uv Ol: ii. p, 292:
lvi INTRODUCTION.
voice and fine singing so attracted the attention of a
learned doctor, who had gone out to the porch to
meditate upon the points of his discourse, that he was
afterwards fain to confess that all the thoughts which
he wished to gather together had been driven out of
his mind.t. When Ishé-yahbh IIL was Metropolitan of
Arbela and wished to draw up in order the Canons of
the Hudhra or service book, he was obliged to send
to Béth ‘Abhé to obtain the help of “Anan-lshé because
he found that he alone possessed in a sufficient measure
the art of literary composition and a good knowledge
of music.2 To these two able monks of Béth Abhé
the Nestorian Church owes the arrangement of its
“Cycle’3 of services for every Sunday in the year, and
for Lent and for the Fast of Nineveh, which has
remained in use with comparatively little alteration
until the present day. The condition of the services
in the days of Ishé-yahbh II must have been very
low, and no systematic arrangement of hymns and
anthems seems to have existed; it is possible that he
obtained new ideas on these subjects when he visited
the churches at Antioch and Apamea, and that on his
return to his diocese he endeavoured to introduce
a system of choral services resembling that which was
in use in the Byzantine churches.* But if the services
of the church were in a relaxed and confused condition
in the days of Ishé-yahbh IIL, their state was worse
‘JOCERV OL dit pei cOm
2°See Vol itpps 177,410. 3 Boom.
4 On the origin of church poetry and music see the valuable
work of Krumbacher, Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur,
Munich, 1891, pp. 288, 323 ff.
THE MONASTERY OF BETH “ABHE. lvii
when Babhai the musician took them in hand; this
man was of commanding stature and fine presence, and
had a “high, sweet voice like a trumpet’.* He lived
in the early part of the eighth century and was a native
of Gebhilta, a town situated on the east bank of the
Tigris, about eighteen miles from Karh Samarra on the
road to Mosul. The condition of the musical portions
of the services was deplorable: all the tunes, melodies,
airs, musical signs and accents (?), the final clauses of
the prayers, the “stations” in the Psalms, the responses
and anthems were confounded.? Each country and
town and monastery and school had its own tunes
and sang them in its own way, and if a teacher or a
scholar happened to be away from his own school he
was obliged to stand silent like an ignorant man. In
those days the people were like the Jews when they
-were in Babylon, for they did not know how to perform
the praises of the Lord’ Into this confusion Mar
Babhai, who must have been endowed with considerable
musical talent, infused order, and he succeeded in
making the nobles of the districts round about provide
money to found and maintain at least twenty-four
schools, wherein the pupils were especially taught to
perform the musical portions of the services of the
Church in a careful and accurate manner. Every six
months he made an inspection of each school and took
care that the teaching and discipline were not relaxed;
his method of teaching became so famous that it was
called the “musical system of Rabban Babhai’. Not-
withstanding all the care and attention which Babhai
t See Vol. ii. p. 280. 2 See Vol. ii. p. 293.
Beoee Vol. i. p. 290. 4 See. Vol. ‘ii. 'p\ 296.
(h)
lvill INTRODUCTION.
had given to the musical education of scholars within
a very few years the effect of his labour had dis-
appeared and his teaching was forgotten. Even in the
well-kept Monastery of Béth Abhé the standard of
musical learning was sinking very low, and one night
Mar Cyriacus had a vision* in the refectory in which
it was shown to him that his monastery, which was at
that period flourishing with wise and understanding
men, and teachers, and expositors, should be brought
low and humbled in everything, until the time when
on account of the ignorance of the monks, it would
be necessary to hire men to sing the nocturns and the
other musical portions of the service, and to revise
and arrange the tunes with refrains which were sung
to the psalms and hymns. And this state of things
actually came to pass, for the monks of Béth ‘Abhé
were at length obliged to hire Solomon, surnamed ”
Mahdi, of Béth Garmai, and Badtth to teach the brethren
how to read the service-books, and how to sing the
hymns and responses, and also how to sing the hymns
of consolation which were to be sung at the vigils of
the dead. It is difficult to understand why the singing
of the services in the churches of towns and villages
should have become poor, for the clergy were permanent,
and there were excellent male voices in each con-
gregation with which a good choir could be formed,
as any one who listens to the singing in such a church
as that of Tell-Kef near Mosul will understand. With
the monasteries, however, it was different. The voices
available for the choir must usually have been chosen
from among the young men who were serving their
I
see: Vol. sli..'p.- 445,
THE MONASTERY OF BETH “ABHE. lix
three years’ probation in the monastery; at the end of
their period they would depart to their separate cells,
and their places might or might not be satisfactorily
filled. The habits of the ascetic life were not calculated
to promote good singing, and unless the vacancies in
the choir could be filled from the novices the music
of the services must necessarily suffer. Without some
strong and energetic outside influence it was morally
impossible for good singing to be maintained in any
Oriental monastery for a length of time.
One of the most interesting portions of Béth‘ Abhé
must have been the Library, 343, of the Monastery;
we have, unfortunately, no list of the books which were
preserved there, but we may gain some idea of its
contents from the allusions to it made by Thomas,
Bishop of Marga. That it would contain copies of the
Old and New Testaments (some of them being probably
written upon vellum), and Psalters and Service-Books
of all kinds is only to be expected, but this would not
be at the beginning of its formation. The first gift of
a book to the Monastery of Béth‘Abhé was made by
Shamta the son of “Yazdin (or Yezdin), the tax-gatherer”,
the “advocate of the Church, like Constantine and
Theodosius, who built churches and monasteries in all
the world, who was more beloved by Khusrau than was
Joseph in the eyes of Pharaoh, from which cause he
was renowned and famous in the kingdoms of the
Greeks and Persians, and of whom it is said that he
sent every morning regularly one thousand staters to
ie
the king’.* When Khusrau_ had built his convent in
Wo
honour of his Greek wife Shirin, “the Christian woman’,
* For the text see Guidi, Ux Nuovo Testo, p. 17.
2 See Vol. ii. p. 80.
lx INTRODUCTION.
he sent Shamta, the son of Yazdin, to the city of Edessa
to bring from thence copies of the Scriptures, and Prayer
Books, and Lectionaries to place in it. On his return
with these he also brought back as a gift for Rabban
Jacob of Béth ‘Abhé a large Service Book from which
Rabban Jacob with his own hands made a number of
copies for use in his monastery; and Thomas relates
that in the greater number of them might be found
written, “Mar Shamta, the son of Yazdin, the prince of
believers, gave this service book”.* From this it appears
that these copies existed in Thomas's days. Many of
the books in the Library were written in the Great
Monastery of Mar Abraham at Izla near Nisibis, and
these must have been copied from manuscripts which
had either been copied from works in the libraries of
the monasteries founded by the disciples of Mar Awgin,
or brought direct from Egypt by Mar Abraham when
he returned from his visit to the Desert of Scete.’
Among these must be mentioned the works of ‘Anan-
Isho3 the redactor of the “Book of Paradise”, the editor
of the Hludhra, and the author of (1), a volume of philo-
sophical divisions and definitions, with a copious com-
mentary, which he dedicated to his brother and entitled,
“A Letter which a brother wrote to his brother; to
the excellent and holy Mar Ishé-yahbh the Bishop [of
Shenna dhe Béth Ramman]’: (2) a work on the correct
reading and pronunciation of difficult words in the
writings of the Fathers; (3) a work on the different
pronunciation and signification of words that are spelt
t See Vol. ii,.p. 82. *\See, Voli tipo.
3 See Vol. il. pp. 174—177.
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ABHE. Ixi
with the same letters? ‘Andn-Ishoé' and his brother
—Ishé-yahbh wrote many original works and it is very
probable that they possessed many books which they
had copied with their own hands; all their literary
possessions came into the hands of their nephew John,
who afterwards became Metropolitan of Adiabene, and
he transferred them as a gift to the Library of Béth
‘Abhé? Mar John had a syncellus called Dindowai,
whom he appointed Bishop of Maalltha and Henaitha,
and he also bequeathed his library to the Monastery
of Béth“Abhé. His successor Mar Sergius, a pious and
learned monk of Béth‘ Abhé, forsook his episcopal charge
on the occasion of a raid made in his district by the
savage dwellers in the country to the east and south-
east of the Caspian Sea, and hoping for the repose
of peace and for refreshing of spirit, he took all his
books and came to Béth ‘Abhé,+ where he died and
was buried, having bequeathed his books to its It-
brary. Another benefactor of the Library of Béth
“Abhé was Babhai, the musician and founder and
organizer of schools, who wrote twenty-two funeral
Orations arranged alphabetically, and Consolations, and
Epistles, and Hymns of Praise, and “Blessings” upon
_ brides and bridegrooms, and twenty-two hymns upon
Rabban Jacob of Béth‘Abhé, and a metrical homily
upon Nestorius, eéc.; all these works were to be found
at Béth “Abhés But apart from books bound in ordinary
leather the Library possessed at least one the binding
of which was sufficiently valuable to arouse the cupidity
* See Vol. ii. p. 178; Wright, Syvzac Literature, p. 843; and
Hoffmann, Opuscula Nestortana, pp. 2—49.
mee VOl. ii. p. 236. 3 ee Voli p. 238.
moec Vol. il. p. 282. 5 See Vol. 1i., p. 299.
lxit INTRODUCTION.
of the Catholicus himself. This book was a “Golden
Evangeliarium’, #3343 @ASs9x &%, “splendid and beauti-
ful’, bound in fine gold and set with precious stones,
faa $5N50 BY Baas sy, which had been bequeathed to
the monastery by Isho-yahbh IIL. the Catholicus. The
Patriarch Sélibha-zékha,* “a proud and avaricious man”,
heard of the book, and went to Béth ‘Abhé, intending
to take it away with him to his seat at the Medhinatha
dhe Béth Armayé, z. ¢, Seleucia and Ctesiphon.? The
monks received him with the honour due to him and
to themselves, and when he asked them to show him
the book, Rabban Joseph, the head of the monastery,
had no power to refuse to do so, for by the order of
the Patriarch ishé-yahbh IL of Gédhala,3 Béth “Abhé
had been removed from the jurisdiction of the bishop
of the diocese* in which it was situated, and was
placed under that of the Patriarch. When the Patriarch
had taken the book in his hands he was “consumed
with desire for it, and he took it and placed it in his
saddle-bags”. Rabban Joseph remonstrated, but the
Patriarch replied, “Ye solitaries have no need of this
Book”, and gave his men orders to set out on their
journey as soon as possible. Meanwhile the board by
which the congregation was assembled was struck, and
the young men ran after him with sticks, and when
they came up with him they buffeted him with their
hands, and took the book away from him. The elders
of the monastery apologized to him for the acts of
their young brethren, and Rabban Joseph resigned the
headship of the monastery.
™ He sat from A. D. 701—729.
Pela? ARelLovth jen veel 3 He sat from A. D. 628—644.
fe Seer VOlMilep set:
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ABHE. Ixiil
From the bequests recorded above it. is clear that
a monk had the power to dispose of his books as he
pleased, and that they did not belong by right
to his monastery, which had, no doubt, a common
library; it is also clear that it was not the custom
of the monks to approve of the sale of books. The
only mention of such an act in the Book of Governors
is found in the history of John of Dailém," where we
read that after the death of this ascetic in the mountains
of Dasen one of his disciples took the books which he
had written, and went down to the villages to sell
them. On the other hand, the monks. of the Scete
desert held the view that monks ought not to possess
many books, and “once when Abba Serapion the bishop
went to visit one of the brethren he found |in his cell|
a window full of books. And that brother said to him,
‘Speak one sentence to me in which I may live’. And
the old man said, ‘What have I to say to thee? Thou
hast taken that which belongeth to the orphans and
the widows and hast laid it up in the window’.
Abba Theodore of Pharme (?) brought down some
beautiful books and went to Abba Macarius and said
to him, ‘Father, I have three books and they are
superfluous for me, and the brethren ask me for them
and they are superfluous for them: tell me then what
I shall do’. The old man answered and said. ‘The
virtues of the ascetic life are beautiful, but the greatest
of them all is poverty’. And when Theodore heard
this he went and sold them and gave their price to
the poor”.
moeer Wolr ii, p.. 227.
2 wdxto fit do ae NOS wes NG? .fdotims? onS5 751 Ss 0007 \s502
lxiv INTRODUCTION.
When we consider the number of the Syriac writers
who flourished during the first eight centuries of our
era it seems very probable that when Thomas was an
inmate of Béth “Abhé early in the ninth century the
Library contained between seven hundred and a
thousand volumes.
In the buildings at Béth ‘Abhé which surrounded
the church and formed the monastery proper, #4 3,
z. €, “house of the community”, a special cell was set
apart for the head of the monastery, and apartments
for the porter near the gate, and sleeping accommodation
for the novices; it is also certain that a guest chamber
was reserved for the use of strangers. The food for
the monks was cooked in the kitchen %3* ™s,* which
was cleaned and attended to by the +i, who may
be compared to the €Pdouaddpio. whose duties lasted a
week at a time; in an oven #34, in the kitchen the
bread was baked.? Near the kitchen was the butler’s
pantry #96 \s where those who laid the tables and
took the food to them obtained supplies, and close by
was the wine cellar #. 3 wherein the wine was stored
in skins. The brethren sat together and ate their
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new) ow eSiX Jol S20 orn ji SASo «fda BSA GS Aut for wo Asolo
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From the Sayzngs of the Fathers by Palladius. On Poverty,
Nos. 160, I61.
* See Syriac text pp. 60, 1. 9; 67, 126; and Vole inept
4 See Vol:4i:“p)--108. 3 See Vol. ii. p. 437f.
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ‘ABHE. Ixv
food in the common-room #i \s, and here on feast-
days also came the ascetics who lived in separate cells.
The Monastery of Béth Abhé seems to have been
supported by endowments made by pious benefactors,
and not by a system of collecting alms from the faith-
ful. Asa large number of the monks who lived there
from generation to generation were related to noble
Persian families it is more than probable that they
handed over to the common funds, lands or vineyards
or olive trees or cattle or money for their maintenance.
In the days of Rabban Jacob the monastery seems to
have had few or no possessions, for Gabriel, the Metro-
politan of Kerktk, taunts the monks with the remark
that Jacob “left them no possession in the land”.'
Bastohmagh, the Persian nobleman, was a friend of Jacob,
and often visited him in his monastery, and his son
Isho -yahbh, who afterwards became Catholicus, endowed
the monastery with great and valuable possessions.
A close friend of Ishé-yahbh, George of Kaphra in
Béth Garmai, who likewise became Catholicus,’? also
endowed it with one of his estates called Béth Habba,
which seems to have been situated near Béth ‘Abhé;
as long as these friends were alive, or their immediate
relatives, it is unlikely that the monks would ever be
in want. The Monastery of Béth “Abhé was in the
zenith of its glory in the middle of the seventh cen-
tury, but towards the end of it its prosperity dwin-
dled and evil days drew nigh. The Muhammadan power
was in the ascendant and that of Persia on the wane,
and although Muhammadan rulers might leave an ancient
* See Vol. ii. p. 247. 2 He sat from A. D. 661—68o.
3 See Vol. ii. p. 180. .
(i
Ixvi INTRODUCTION.
Christian monastery unmolested, or even tolerate its
existence, they would never supply funds for its mainte-
nance. Moreover, the favour of local chiefs and gover-
nors which, in the East, is as subtle and as fleeting
as a breath, would be suspended or quietly withdrawn,
until it was seen how the Christian monasteries were
treated by the victorious followers of Muhammad the
Prophet. Making allowance for exaggeration or over-
statement of the case, we may obtain an idea of the
state to which Béth‘Abhé had come in the beginning
of the eighth century from the following description of
Gabriel, Metropolitan of Kerkik:—“Of everything which
they possessed, that is to say the estates which their
fathers Mar Ishé-yahbh the Catholicus, and Mar George
the Catholicus, bequeathed to them, behold they are
entirely destitute. No person is so utterly destitute as
are they, and although they labour, that is to say,
although they gather in and carry out, in seed time
and in harvest, there is no profit to him that toileth
therein”.* Now Gabriel was appointed Metropolitan by
the Catholicus Sélibha-Zékha, and if he reported such a
state of affairs at Béth ‘Abhé there is small wonder
that the Catholicus thought that its monks had no need
of an Evangeliarium bound in fine gold and set with
precious stones. Truly the glory of the “king of mon-
asteries’ had departed!
One of the chief causes of the decay of the Mon-
astery of Béth ‘Abhé was the levying of taxes and
tribute upon it by the Muhammadan governors; thus
when Ishé'-yahbh the head of the monastery was
straining every nerve to find the means for building
SPD CCeV Ol Mego
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ‘ABHE. Ixvit
the third church at Béth ‘Abhé, the governor of Mosul
mulcted the congregation of fifteen thousand pieces of
silver, a sum equal to about £ 375 of our money.’ In
the earlier parts ot the history of Béth‘Abhé Thomas
makes no mention of the payment of taxes, but in the
days of Mar Cyriacus, the head of the monastery at
the end of the eighth century, we read that this ascetic
was himself obliged to carry the “imperial tribute”
%S8oH Meo, due from the monastery to Yazdinbadh, a
village of Marga;* the monk who accompanied him
on his journey speaks of it as “all this money”, but
we cannot say how much it was. And on another
occasion George, the head of the monastery, was obliged
to go to Mosul about the taxes, but whether it was
to beg for their remission or to pay what was due is
not said. Mar Cyriacus was greatly troubled by an
Arab chief called “Amran bar-Muhammad, who had by
force taken many of the villages of Marga, and who
also wished to gain possession of the Monastery of
Béth “Abhé by forcing the monks to sell both it and
its estatest on very disadvantageous terms; Cyriacus,
however, rejected his advances and put him to shame.
One day when this Arab chieftain had sent horsemen
to bring certain of the monks to him that he might
negotiate with them for the possession of the monas-
tery without being hampered by the presence of Mar
Cyriacus,> before the horsemen arrived with them at
Amran’s habitation, Mar Cyriacus was carried there
miraculously, and hid himself; when the monks had
entered the room Cyriacus suddenly revealed himself,
2 See Vol. ii. p. 402. a cen Ul tia. AAI.
3 See Vol. ii. p. 465. 4 Sees Vol iitiipe 455.
Boece Vol. il. p. 452.
Ixviil INTRODUCTION.
to the great astonishment of the horsemen who had
left him standing in the porch. “At that time’, says
Thomas, “when there was no king, the Divine power
worked on behalf of this poor monastery’.
After the death of Mar Cyriacus, and during the
lifetime of Mar Timothy the Catholicus, an attempt was
made to lift the Monastery of Béth “Abhé out of its
troubles by Shibhhal-Ishé. This man was descended
from an Arab family of Hérta-dhe-Naman, near Meshed
“Ali, which had removed to the “Hebrew Fortress’,’
where Shabhhal-Ishé was born. He entered Béth “Abhé
as a monk, and when he had served three years in
the monastery he asked the brethren to allow him to
farm their estate of Béth Habba, which had been given
to them by George of Kaphra, who afterwards became
Catholicus,3 and he promised to give them farm produce
of all kinds equal in amount to that which they obtained
from Beth Ziwa. He next bought oxen, and _ hired
ploughmen for whom he built a farm house, and he
began to sow and to reap; his work was crowned with
success and he began to give gifts to the monks in ~
addition to what he had agreed to give, and the poor
and the needy found in him a benefactor. When he
had done this for a few years, and the monks had
forgotten their times of stress, they began to cheat
him by making their corn-measures larger than those
in use among the merchants; but this he endured
cheerfully.4. One year, however, when the harvest was
nearly ripe the monks made a plot to kill him, and
had he not been warned of their intention, his life
t See Vol. ii. p. 453. 2 See Vol. ii. pp. 337, 461.
[DECAY ON p41 70: 4 See? Vol iinpra7ae
THE MONASTERY OF BETH ABHE. Ixix.
would have paid the penalty for his kindness to them;
as it was the man who had spent all his wealth on the
Monastery of Béth “Abhé was obliged to flee, having
with him nothing but his tunic and cloak and a wallet
with three cakes of bread which had been given to
him by a friendly monk. When Mar Timothy the
Catholicus heard this he was sorry, for he loved Béth
‘Abhé, and “honoured it with many gifts”,* because it
was first pointed out to him there’ that he should
become Catholicus; and when the monks went down
to him as usual to ask for help he enquired of them
how they and their crops did. They appear to have
gained nothing by the flight of Shibhhal-ishé which
was caused by their attempt to murder him, for as soon
as the crops of Béth Habba were ripe a cloud of locusts
came and devoured them; this happened year after year
and in a short time the monks were in their old destitute
condition. Soon after the beginning of the ninth cen-
tury the thievish Kurds from Kartaw plundered Beéth
‘Abhé and carried away every thing of value from the
monastery and from the cells. Under the rule of the
Abbots Shubhhal-Maran and Joseph the power and
resources of the famous house practically disappeared,
and there is little doubt that when Thomas entered it
as a monk in 832 the disbanding of its society was
close at hand. Of its subsequent history we know
nothing, but it is probable that its buildings would
afford a home for a few ascetics for many years.
mee Vol. ii. p. 477. 2 See Vol. ii. p. 383.
Ixx INTRODUCTION.
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ‘ABHE.
I. JACOB OF LASHOM IN BETH GARMAL.
Jacob, the first Abbot of Beth “Abhé, was born at
Lashom" in Béth Garmai about the middle of the sixth
century. Having studied the Scriptures for many years
and taught them to other people, he became a monk
in the Great Monastery of Mount Izla when Dadh-Isho
was the head thereof; during seven years of his stay
here he was the syncellus of Jacob, Bishop of Nisibis. He
was a meek, humble man, and made himself the servant
of his monastery. During the rule of Mar Babhai, the
third head of the Great Monastery, it was found that
a number of the monks who dwelt in the outer cells
there, following the custom of earlier times in Mesopo-
tamian monasteries, had married wives and that they
were living with them and their families in them. Mar
Babhai expelled these men and burnt their cells with
fire, and believing that Jacob had known of their prac-
tices for some time past, he at once drove him out of
the monastery with denunciations and execrations; Jacob
took with him an old friend and disciple called Bar-Non
and set out for the mountains of Kard6o, which were situated
on the left bank of the Tigris, over against Geziret ibn
‘Omar, to lead the life ofan anchorite. The ban which Mar
Babhai laid upon Jacob was of such a nature that Thomas,
Bishop of Marga, gives no details of it on account of his
respect for Mar Babhai, but refers the reader to the letter
which Ishé-yahbh of Gédhala, who afterwards became
Catholicus (he sat from A. D. 628—644), wrote to Jacob.
The monks of Mount Izla were perhaps a little tired
1 Jn the days of Khusrau, the bishop of this town was called
sox. 55% Sabhr-Ishd'; see Guidi, Muovo testo, p. 8.
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. Ixxi
of the violent temper of Mar Babhai, and when they
saw the act of injustice which had been done to the
meekest and most longsuffering of men they rebelled,
and told their superior that either he must send and
bring Jacob back or they would leave the monastery;
as Babhai knew not whither Jacob had gone his position
was one of difficulty. This quarrel in the Great Mon-
astery cansed more serious dissensions to arise, and
finally a number of the monks left it and went and built
monasteries of their own at Nineveh and Erzertim and
in the country which lies between the Upper and Lower
Zab rivers; six of the brethren went to the Monastery
of Béth ‘Abhé, from which statement we may probably
assume that that monastic house was at that time
already in existence. When Jacob arrived at Mount
Kardé he took up his abode on a rock near the dwel-
ling of another ascetic, and one day when he had gone
down from his dwelling his neighbour went down and
placed therein some of the herbs upon which he lived.
On his return Jacob found the herbs, and thinking that
they had been placed there by an angel he began to
praise God; as he took up his Book of the Gospels to
read therein a serpent, which he believed to be the
Devil, dropped out, and by reason of his terror the
book fell from his hands. Jacob’s neighbour ran down
to him, and rebuking him for being so soon overcome
by the Enemy, told him to go from mountain to mountain
until he should find a woman who would tell him what to
do; when he had found her she told him to go back
to the Great Monastery, and to be of good cheer, for
it was decreed that he should found a monastery which
should be great and famous throughout the East. She
then gave him her much-worn Book of the Gospels
Ixxil INTRODUCTION.
and took his in return; and Jacob returned to his cell
on Mount Izla. After he had lived there a short time,
strife again broke out, and Jacob left his old home,
and together with nine brethren set out for Béth ‘ Abhé;
on his way thither he came to Rabban Bar-hadh-
bhé-shabba,' who had been a monk in the Great
Monastery, and who had left it among those who went .
forth therefrom after the expulsion of Jacob, and he
tarried with him in the large monastery which he had
built above his native village of Hadhédh until he went
to Béth ‘Abhé. Rabban Bar-hadh-bhé-shabba accom-
panied Jacob and his disciples to Béth “Abhé, and he
helped them to found (or refound) that monastery; when
his own monastery was becoming a ruin, his body, which
had been buried there, was removed to the martyrium
of Béth “‘Abhé. When Jacob arrived at Béth ‘Abhé he
was welcomed with great joy by the brethren Benjamin,
Peter, Paul, John, Adada and Jesse, his old friends at
the Great Monastery, who had set out for Béth ‘Abhé
soon after he had left that house with his disciple Bar-
Non on his way to Mount Kardo.
According to Thomas, Bishop of Marga, and the
authorities which he relies upon, Jacob came to Beth
“Abhé in the fifth year of Khusrau Il. Parwezizmes
A. D. 595. Jacob was a friend of several Persian noblemen,
and Bastohmagh, the father of Ishé-yahbh IIL, the Catho-
licus, and Shamta, the son of Yazdin, helped him to
provide for the needs of his monastery. In the days
of Jacob the church of Béth “Abhé was built of mud,
and both it and the monastery were nearly destroyed
by fire and flood; in the extinguishing of the fire Jacob
took an active part, and his adjurationst caused the
tin Voliii. p.83, 1. 6, for “he set bounds to it”, read “he adjured it:¥
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ‘ABHE. Ixxili
waters of the flood in the two rivers to subside. During
the life-time of Jacob, the Monastery of Béth “Abhé
was visited by Mar Babhai the Great, who had been
appointed by the Metropolitans of Nisibis, Adiabene, and
Kerktk, to'inspect the Nestorian monasteries and to root
out from them all such monks.as held the doctrines of the
Mesalléyané or “praying” monks, who professed to pass
all their time in prayer, and who refused to do any
work whatsoever; these men wandered about the towns
and villages with women who were attached to their
Sectand- were: a disgrace to the Church. :AtBéth
‘Abhé Babhai found all things satisfactory, and he con-
tented himself with suggesting certain alterations in the
service, which, owing to a miracle which was worked
in the church there, were not carried out.’ Jacob died
when he had ruled Béth “Abhé for about twenty-five
or thirty years, z. @, probably between 615—625, at
which time the monks in his monastery were numbered
at eighty. He was a man of humble mind and gentle
temper, and the first success of the Monastery of Béth
‘Abhé was due to his personal influence over those with
whom he came in contact there. His life and labours
were written by many Nestorians, among whom may be
mentioned Aphni-Maran, a disciple of KAm-Ishé, the
fourth Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé, about A. D. 630;2 Solomon
bar-Garaph, of the Monastery of Bar-Jura near Beéth
‘Abhé, who lived about A. D. 690;3 Ishé-zékha who
lived “in the days of the last Mar Ishé-yahbh, who
built the new temple”* (about A. D. 650?); Sahdona the
mSee Vol: ii; p. O7f: 4 *2 See. Vol.. fi.. pp. -74,. 33.
md ee" Vol. it. p. 72. y
4 IT am not certain whether Thomas refers to Jshd°-yahbh IIL,
the Catholicus, who built the second temple at Béth ‘Abhé, or
(k)
Ixxiv INTRODUCTION.
Apostate, a disciple of Jacob, who also wrote a funeral
oration upon him;* Gabriel, Metropolitan of Kerkuk,
who lived at the end of the eighth century;* and Babhai
the musician.
During the lifetime of Jacob the Nestorian Church
suffered greatly through the harsh treatment which it
received at the hands of Khusrau II. Parwéz. When—
this king ascended the throne of Persia Ishé'-yahbh of
‘Arzon was Catholicus,t and between him and Khusrau
there was great friendship, but since the Catholicus
refused to go with Khusrau to the Greek emperor
Maurice in Asia Minor, the king was wroth with him
and all his love for him turned to hatred. Soon after
Khusrau had gained the victory over Vararanes Ishé’-
yahbh went down to visit Numan, the Arab king of
Hérta, and when he arrived at the village of Béth Kusai
he fell sick and died; when Hind the sister of Numan
heard this she went out and brought his body to the
new convent which she had built, and buried him therein
with great honour. Khusrau then appointed Sabhr-
Ishé,, Bishop of Lashom, Catholicus, and he was much
honoured by him and by his two Christian wives,’ Shirin
the Aramean woman and Mary the Greek. When Sabhr-
isho' died® Khusrau ordered that Gregory of Kashkar,
Metropolitan of Nisibis, should be appointed Catholicus.
Now this man had shown his zeal by attempting to
correct the lives of certain members of the clergy, and
to Ishé'-yahbh, the Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé, who built the third
temple of stones and of lime.
x See Voliai. ip. 12. 2 ee Volsiapueng
$ See Vol. it.-p. 200. 4 He sat from A. D. 581—595.
5 Yate Oa uo7sxs; see Guidi, Wuovo testo, p. 10.
° He sat from A. D. 596—604.
THE ABBOTS OF BETH “ABHE. Ixxv
by driving out from the mountains round about Sinjar
the Mésalleyané or “praying” monks, and he incurred
great displeasure by applying some opprobrious epithet
to a well-known man of Nisibis, called the “son of foxes”,
whom he found sacrificing a cock in a wood outside the
city. Accusations against him poured in from all quarters,
and at length Khusrau sent for him and ordered him
to dwell in the Monastery of Shahdost; Sabhr-Ishé wished
to get rid of him from the church, but the bishops
would not agree to the proposal. Finally the king or-
dered that he should go back to Kashkar, and there
he built a monastery in a place called ¢sc3esp #3. When
Shirin the wife of Khusrau knew of her husband’s order
to appoint Gregory Catholicus she exerted her influence
and succeeded in obtaining the election of her country-
man Gregory the Parthian to the headship of the Church;
but her nominee behaved improperly and died after
holding his office a few years.* When Khusrau saw
what had been done by his wife he swore an oath’
mete died A. D. 607.
2 The following is the text of a letter written by Ishd'- yahbh III.
to Henan-IshoO a monk “his brother” soon after Khusrau had
taken this oath; it forms no. 3 of the series written whilst Ishé'-
yahbh was Bishop of Mosul.
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Ixxvi INTRODUCTION.
by the Sun that there should never be another Catho-
licus appointed as long as he lived, and so for many
years the Nestorian Church was without a head. At
this juncture the archdeacon Mar Abba from Ctesiphon
was elected to carry on the business of the patriarchate
in the south, and Mar Babhai the Abbot of the Great
Monastery directed affairs in the north. In this unsatis-
factory state the Nestorian Church languished until
A.D. 628, when Khusrau was murdered by his two sons
at the instigation of Shamta,’ the son of Yazdin, whose
property Khusrau had confiscated, and whose wife he
had maltreated.
Il. JOHN OF BETH GARMAI.
John of Béth Garmai, the second Abbot of Béth
Abhé, was a friend and companion of Rabban Jacob,
but it was only by his express command that he under-
took the rule of the monastery. He was probably one
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THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. Ixxvil
of the six monks who went to Béth “Abhé when the
ereat quarrel between the Abbot Babhai and the con-
eregation took place, and when Jacob died he was
nearly seventy years of age; he had taught in the schools
of Mesopotamia for at least thirty years, and had been
a monk for thirty years. He was an author of some
repute and had written:—a brief chronicle, rules for
novices and certain maxims, a history of Mar Khodhah-
_ wai the Persian, the founder of the Monastery of Béth
Halé near Mosul, e¢e. When he had been Abbot for
about six months he left Béth‘Abhé secretly and went
to a mountain near Dakok, where Mar Ezekiel after-
wards built his monastery: he entered this house and
led a life of contemplation there until he died.* Thomas,
Bishop of Marga, gives no reason why John left his monas-
tery, but from a long and interesting letter which Ishé-
yahbh of Adiabene wrote to the monks of Béth ‘Abhé
when he was Bishop of Mosul before A. D. 628, it is
clear that certain of them resisted the appointment of
the pious old man; this letter gives an insight into the
connexion which existed between the son of Bastohmagh
and Béth “Abhé, and helps us to understand the part
which he took in the direction of its affairs. The Syriac
text is printed in Vol. ii., pp. 104-106, and the translation
is as follows:—
“To the brethren in his monastery concerning the appoint-
ment of a Head, to the dear and beloved God-loving brethren,
Simon, John, Kam-Ishé, Bar-Denha, Daniel, Beraz-Sorin, Bar-
Nén, Ishé-zekha, Aphni-Maran, and to all the holy brethren
who are in the Monastery of Béth’ Abhé, individually and
collectively, Ishé‘- yahbh your brother in the Lord, Peace.
* See Wright, Syvzac Literature, p. 843, note 22.
Ixxviil INTRODUCTION.
“T have been waiting to be informed, O men [and] brethren,
through the earnestness of your love, of the glorious departure
of that holy head from this life in the flesh to the haven of
everlasting life, and if I had not been fully acquainted with the
wont of [your] community, and if I could have subdued with a
mighty hand [my] love for those by and with whom I have been
brought up, I might easily have been justly offended by such
an act of contempt as this, not because of [the insult to my]
position in the Church and to my renown, but because of the
[breach of a custom] usually observed by those who are brethren
and who have been brought up together. O [my] God-fearing
brethren, may our Lord forgive and pardon you all these things
in which ye have fallen short of the law of divine love in this
matter, and may He confirm your hearts in true love always,
Amen.
“Now as concerning that which I have heard that the matter
of the headship of the monastery is still in the shipwreck (foes
= vavayia) of doubt as far as ye are concerned, and that which
was delivered to you in an everlasting covenant with the living
word by your holy father ye have not unanimously confirmed
and ratified, and that other [plans] have, by your consent, been
considered and thought upon among you, I was anxious to
come myself to you that we might discuss what was best for
the community and also what was most glorious for God’s holy
name. But inasmuch as I was not able to do this, for I had
already decided upon [going] a journey to the Patriarch, it
appeared to me that I might be of service to you by [writing] a hur-
ried epistle according to the law of spiritual love. Remember me,
then, O pious men, me the participator in your love and the
fellow disciple of your rules—for according to what I think, it is
necessary for you to remember these things, because, as it
seemeth, the affairs of [your] brotherhood are in an unhealthy
state. Why hath the appellation of “Bishop” prepared for me
alienation [from you]? Why hath the laying on of hands se-
parated me from mingling with [your] community? Why hath
the departure from the place [wherein ye are] begotten the
departure of [your] minds [from me]? Why, I say? Hath any
man among your number ever meditated or spoken or wrought
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHI. Ixxix
in those things which were beneficial for your community and
which conduced to the glory of God more than myself? I
speak as a fool, but everything which any man among you would
have dared to do in those things which were meet for your
glory and honour I myself have done, not merely in the mea-
sure which was your due, but in a much more glorious manner.
Why then in this matter, which at the present moment is more
worthy of anxious thought and care than any other, have ye.
allowed yourselves to be so overcome by [your] accustomed
neglect [of myself] as not to invite me, your brother, to the
general council of [your] monastery at the time which was
proper? For I have in my possession the living testament which
was made by the blessed mouth of your holy father, with
steadfast speech, a few days before his death, concerning him who
was fit to stand in the place of his ministration, and concerning
whom—according to what I have heard—he also commanded
on the day of his death. For fearing lest it might happen that
his death would take place suddenly in such a way that he
might be prevented from saying what he had meditated doing,
he had delivered to me privately beforehand words concerning
this matter—for he never imagined that after his death ye would
allow yourselves to do anything without me, even as ye have
at this present neglected to do what was necessary. And al-
though I laid up in my mind our blessed father’s speech that
I might utter it at the proper time, yet nevertheless the grace
of God which led him peacefully into the path of life gave him
quietness of mind and understanding to tell it to you also on
the day of his departure. And inasmuch as ye lived with him in
peace for a long time he was already a head and a governor to you,
and inasmuch as he hath appointed and established him to be
your head (read 33) ye have acquired a head and a governor
peacefully. Let no man, then, among you imagine that he left
him without the secret armour of prayer and departed, nay,
from the time when he set his heart upon him, and appointed
him by his word, he committed to him the discipleship of his
piety, by the hands of God. And if any man shall voluntarily
alienate himself from the guardianship of this man, it must
arise from fear, and if he doth not destroy the succour of the
Ixxx INTRODUCTION.
prayer of the righteous man—even if he doth not also meditate
any opposition and resistance—to which of the prudent and
understanding men will he not appear a shameful and blame-
worthy person, besides [having to suffer] the torturing pain of
the soul which smiteth him without advantage [to himself]?
But God forbid that the pure sons of a righteous father, and
of the pure discipleship of a holy head, and my own beloved
brethren and fellow disciples should ever suffer such things at
all, or that they should be heard of among them; nay |[con-
cerning them let there be heard at all times] those things which
are fair and which appertain to brethren, and which produce
benefit for the community and praise to God’s name. Take
heed then, O beloved brethren, to your God-loving brother Mar
John the elder—to the testing of whose virtues a period but
little short of seventy years hath been given, of these he hath
passed [the last] thirty in leading blamelessly the life of a soli-
tary, and the other years before these he hath passed in lead-
ing the perfect life of an instructor in the schools—and to your-
selves, but especially to the old and honourable man who is in
your midst. He was a receiver of instruction and a teacher
who was associated with our blessed father, and now, by the
command of our father, he hath been crowned over all these
things with the crown of headship. Receive then this man as
one who hath been appointed by God by an excellent election
in the Lord with all joy like pure children of God, and with
your hands and lips, but especially with your hearts, confirm to
him the matter of headship by the help of God. And the
God of peace shall be with you, and He shall confirm you in
the monastery in which ye shall live unmoved all the days of
your lives; and in your inner man Christ shall dwell in belief,
and in your hearts in love; and your root and foundation shall
be firm, so that ye may be able to attain with all the Saints
the hope of everlasting life by the grace and mercy of our
Lord Jesus Christ, to Whom be glory for ever, Amen. But
now since the Enemy of our good deeds is accustomed to cast
the seeds of his wiles and crafts upon clean fields, the matter
is one worthy of fear lest he also cast among you a stumbling-
block to your merit as [he did] among the Apostolic band.
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHf. Ixxxi
Take heed then, O my brethren, lest any one of you be over-
taken by such folly, and he rend your worthy dignity dis-
cordantly, and the God-loving head who hath been appointed
to you by our Lord, do ye who are in the Spirit establish
with a humble spirit, until he be delivered from the snare of
Satan in which he hath been snared by his own will; and be
ye perfect in one spirit for the work of righteousness, even as
ye have been called with the one hope of your calling to the
glory of God and for our consolation. And as for myself, in-
asmuch as I am well acquainted with the multitude of obstacles
which are wont to come in the way in matters like unto this,
and because also I cannot remain here [merely] to be able to
administer, according to my power, healthful corrections of
each matter which breaketh out in a refractory manner among
you, I am compelled to write you a brief letter, not in my
Capacity as head and governor, but as an elder brother. If
any man would contend with the God-loving head who hath
been appointed to you by the command of Rabban and by the
will of God, let him not continue in Béth ‘Abhé, that he may
neither disturb his brethren nor do harm to himself, but let
him depart quietly and in peace and without anger, to the place
where he can find rest and profit. And if it happeneth that
such an one shall, through lack of understanding, be able to
speak against this word because of myself, saying, ‘‘Who is
this [man] who hath commanded us to do these things?” he
will afterwards learn from events [themselves] and become in-
formed, if he be a fearer of God; perhaps also he may be in
need of some little repentance that he may be able to find
the freedom of speech of the children of peace. God hath
called us, O men and brethren, to peace, therefore let us pursue
peace and the building up one of another. And let these few
things which I have written to you be sufficient to show you
the wish of my mind in the desire for your welfare, and that
all my anxious care is that ye may be fair and that ye may
speak fair, and that God may be praised in you, that I also
may be glad. Whatever is necessary concerning this matter I
will make known in a letter to our God-loving father Mar
Metropolitan, and I am also about to inform our father Mar
(1)
Ixxxil INTRODUCTION.
Patriarch with the living speech, God helping me. And ye your-
selves, knowing these things, be diligent both to preserve the
unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, and to excel in the
work of the Lord. May He in His grace perfect you in every
sood work so that ye may do His will at all times, Amen.
Pray also for me that I may pass the rest of my days in a
life pleasing to the will of God.”
Ill. PAUL.
Of Paul, the third Abbot of Béth “Abhé, we know
nothing, except that he was one of the first party who
left the Great Monastery and came to Béth ‘Abhé; he
must have been an old man when elected to the head-
ship of the monastery, and as Thomas, Bishop of
Marga, says nothing about him except that he was the
third Abbot, we may conclude that he was _ neither
remarkable for learning nor ability. From the twelfth
letter of the series which ishé-yahbh of Adiabene wrote
while he was Bishop of Mosul we may gain some idea
of the difficulties of Paul as Abbot of Béth “Abhé, and
we may see that he was a little angry that Paul did
not come and discuss them with him and take his
advice upon them. Paul, it would seem, had been in
the habit. of speaking the truth plainly to the brethren
concerning the manner of their lives, and he had acted
the part of a master overmuch. “As regards the
brethren’, says the Bishop, “be not to them a teacher
as unto thyself, but only a monitor of the commands
of our Lord and of the doctrines of the Fathers; and
when thou hast reminded them persuade them to keep
them. If they are negligent judge them in love, and
if they are contumacious testify to them concerning thy
departure. If they entreat thee to remain, persuade
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ‘ABHE. Ixxxiil
them to keep the commandments; and if they do not
keep them, they have then already informed thee that
it is unnecessary for thee to remain with them. If it
be necessary to depart, lay before them plainly the
causes of |thy] departure, and depart blamelessly and
without anger, and without leaving behind thee any just
cause of accusation for hasty tongues....... And
as regards the former customs of the place which it
may be necessary to change, fight against them by
degrees, first of all permitting to remain that which is
good, and then abrogate that which is less good."
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Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION.
Here must be given a brief record of the life of
Ishd -yahbh, the son of Bastéhmagh, the Persian nobleman
of Kuphlana in Adiabene. Bastohmagh had been an
intimate friend of Rabban Jacob, and a supporter of
his monastery, and the welfare and glory of Beth
“Abhé depended for many years upon the frequent
gifts which this enlightened man and his generous son
made to it. With the management of the internal
affairs of the monastery Bastdhmagh had probably little
to do, but his son Ishé-yahbh took a very active and
personal part in its administration, and whenever possible
he tried to keep the appointment of Abbot in his own
hands. The history of the advancement of Ishé-yahbh
is practically the history of the progress of Béth‘ Abhé,
IshO-yahbh was a disciple of Rabban Jacob of
Béth Abhé in the early part of the seventh century, and
he had studied at Nisibis where his syncellus bore the
name of Hormizd;t at a comparatively early age he
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THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. Ixxxv
was appointed Bishop of Mosul, where he lived until
at least 628. After this period he became Metropolitan
of Arbela and Mosul, and in 644, on the death of
Mar ammeh, he was elected Catholicus. He lived through
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with the Greeks," and he was an eye-witness of the
calamities which befell the Nestorian Church on the death
of Yazdin,? the “advocate of the Christians”, and he was
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Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION.
well acquainted with the events which led to the
murder of Khusrau; his letters to his friends upon these
and other matters are of considerable interest, and have
in addition philological value. At Mosul he was very
zealous in the cause of the Nestorians, and he succeeded
in preventing the Jacobites from building a church
there; according to Bar-Hebraeus he effected this by
bribery. In 630 he was sent on a mission to Heraclius
by Boran, the daughter of Khusrau, under the direction
of Ishé-yahbh IL the Catholicus, the object of which
was to promote peace between the Persians and the
Greeks, and with him was Sahdona the Apostate.
The mission was successful in every way, and Ishé-
yahbh took the opportunity while passing through
Antioch of carrying off a chest containing relics of the
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THE ABBOTS OF BETH ‘ABHE. Ixxxvil
Apostles, which he brought to Béth “Abhé and deposited
in the martyrium. On the return journey an event
took place which disturbed the Church for many years,
that is the conversion of Sahdéna, Bishop of Ariwan
in Béth Garmai, to the opinion of the Jacobites and
to the Monophysite doctrine. While they were passing
through Apamea they set out with John, Bishop of the
Scattered of the country of Damascus, to hold a dis-
cussion with the monks of a certain Jacobite monastery
there, and having been beaten in argument the monks .
invited them to go into their monastery to see their
abbot; John the Bishop and Ishé-yahbh declined to en-
ter, but Sahdéna feeling himself equal to the occasion
went in, and after a very short time was converted
by the abbot. Thomas, Bishop of Marga, thinks that
Sahd6éna was bewitched by the abbot, who is reported
to have been a sorcerer, and that as soon as he bowed
his head under the old man’s hand, he lost his reason.
Sahd6na was a disciple of Rabban Jacob of Béth ‘Abhé
and the author of several works, and the adoption of
the dogma of the Jacobites by a man of such ability,
and by one who stood in such a position, was a serious
blow to the Nestorian interest. Ishé-yahbh his friend
appears to have had some influence in appointing him
to the orthodox city of Mahézé dhe Ariwan, and his
defection was a great grief to him. In five very interesting
letters* written by Isho-yahbh while he was Metropolitan of
Arbela and Mosul, he explains the circumstances which
led up to his apostacy, and from one of them we are
able to see clearly that Sahddéna’s doubts about the
dogma held by the Nestorians of the two Natures of
* The text is given in Vol. il. pp. 132—147.
IxxxXvill
INTRODUCTION.
Christ, were not of long standing. Ishé-yahbh accuses him
of having held secretly the views which afterwards
made him so infamous to the Nestorian Church until
he saw that there was no possibility of his being
appointed to the post which he most desired, v2z., the
bishopric of Adiabene, and that when he saw that this
prize had slipped through his hands he cast in his lot
with the Nestorian community of Ariwan and became
their bishop. After stating in brief what is the sub-
_stance of the doctrine of the two Natures of Christ,
Ish6-yahbh goes on to refer to the “absurd composition”
which Sahd6éna wrote, entitled the “Fictitiousness of
Faith”, and which he hid from him. But Ishé-yahbh
heard rumours of the work and asked him if he had
written it, and when he admitted that he had, he asked
him to produce it; when he had read it he privately
rebuked Sahdona, who straightway promised amendment.
Shortly afterwards IshO-yahbh heard that he had not
fulfilled his promise, whereupon he sent two dear
brethren to him with a letter of further rebuke; when
Sahd6na had read this he brought forth his work and
expunged sixteen chapters in their presence, and wrote
a letter of grateful thanks to Ishé-yahbh. Notwith-
standing this recantation Sahdona betook himself to his
chief supporter, who appears to have held a_ high
position in the Church, and according to Isho-yahbh,
endeavoured to stir him up to enmity against himself.
ishé-yahbh refers to his work @%os ge “Refutation of
heretical opinions”, and advises the clergy and people
of Ariwan to read both it and another work which he
had written against Sahdona’s opinions when they first
appeared in the Church, and he urges them to dismiss
that “silly man” from his office of bishop. The letter
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. Ixxxix
in which the whole matter is briefly described is of
great interest for the study of the ecclesiastical history
of the time, and a running version of it is as follows:—
To my beloved brethren the God-loving, venerable, believing
and renowned Clergy in the holy Church of Mahézé dhé Ariwan,
IshO'-yahbh your brother in the Lord. Peace.
O my brethren, we have committed a fault, both ye and
I, which is worthy of absolution. And now that this fault
hath through itself become revealed, and hath, although having
perceived it I tried to hide it, kicked out, causing great con-
fusion and tumult, and hath cast away from it the covering of
its shame, and hath stood forth impudently in the sight of all,
it is necessary that I myself should come to you that we may
together meditate upon what it is needful to do, and that we
should give a healthy mending to the injury which hath been
done. For we erred when we raised to the exalted position
of headship, by reason of a small outward manifestation of
excellence of conduct and a hope [for further excellence], a man
lacking in understanding, who varied the instability of his thoughts
by a multitude of changes of opinion, [through] not having
perceived beforehand his defection from the orthodox faith
which happened in a secret chamber a short time before, when
by the evil desire of the love of dominion he was drawn to
corrupt [p. 133] the confession of truth by his stupid subtleties.
Only in this he was very crafty, and he hid in secret that silly
treatise on the perversion of his opinion until he had, with an
abandonment worthy of suffering, seized the dominion over you.
But, as I have said,t we deserve forgiveness because we were
carried away by error, and because the disease of changeableness
of the man was not of long standing, and because this change-
ableness took place suddenly and was wrought in a secret
chamber, and because we never had been acquainted with this evil
habit of instability in him, and because also with diabolical
craft he manifested his foul belief only before those who were
able to bestow upon him in return that which he was most
t Read NawdI>.
(m)
XC INTRODUCTION.
anxious to possess, namely the Bishopric of Adiabene. And
having fallen from this with the loss of his hope, an evil fate
cast him into an orthodox city, that is to say to you, who have
with strivings even unto blood, cleansed through a length of
years the evil seed of Satan from among you. And ye have
purified the dwelling-place of your habitation and your believing
Church from all the error of a plurality of forms of those who
with the oneness of Person (jwost), that is to say oneness of
Nature (fxs), destroy the confession of our belief with the corrup-
tion of their blasphemies. And behold ye are this day by
the grace of God one body of orthodox men which shineth
gloriously with the rays of the vivifying light of the one ador-
able and glorious Person (#40443) of our Lord Jesus Christ;
Who is God over all; Who hath equality of utterance with His
Father in a perfect Person (fox), and Who hath also equality
of utterance with us in the perfect speech of Person (sos);
Who showeth forth the unity of the manifestation of Lordship
perfectly in the glorious Person (j40.45) of two forms; Whose
human body when shining with the rays of Godhead appeareth
to the eyes to be man, but to the mind God, the sustainer
of the universe. And in the unity of the Divine Image (jo\,) every
one shall recognize God, and every knee shall bow, and every
tongue shall confess Him. No man then shall teach his fellow-
citizen, or his’ brother, and say, “Know the Lord (j-4%)”, for
we all know Him and we all adore Him. This then, in a few
words, is the name and power and scope of the unity of our
Lord. But certain erring men in time past through their
lack of understanding, that is to say audacity, having fallen from
this mystery, have set many stupid obstacles against the word
of truth, and having become foolish in their mind have become
aliens from the life of God. And moreover also the written
and unwritten Divine word, which is in the Holy Church, hath
in the mouth of her ministers in all generations led the objection
of daring men from the pasture of the inheritance of the Lord,
until this time of our sojourning, which is the old age of the
world. And I was thinking, O my beloved brethren, that now
that the world hath become worn out and old and very aged,
and hath already declined, that is to say [now that] the human
THE ABBOTS OF BETH “ABHE. xcl
understanding hath also perished and can no longer be a discoverer
of evil, that is to say a silly receiver of vain imaginations,
such stumbling-blocks as these must remain of necessity, and
we, that is all of us who are under the wings of orthodoxy
and to whom hath come the lot of inheritance in the holy
house of God, would rest a little from the injury of their offence.
But now that the error of ignorance [p. 134] hath broken out
at this time from a foolish, old, worn out and shaken mind
through a man void of understanding, whom a temporary fate
hath brought [read o.s.2] to the city of your habitation in the
name of governorship, it is necessary for our reconciliation that
it be disturbed, and that we should give the necessary expla-
nation for this stupid offender. Now he was a lover of this
species of heresies, and [desired] that they should acquire in the
world through him the evil fame of renown, and therefore that
silly man was himself led astray and turned aside to contemp-
tible folly. And he wrote an absurd composition, entitled ‘The
fictitiousness of faith’, without either entreaty on the part of
men or the need of necessity, which he hid from myself and
from all those who are like unto me until that time of which I
have spoken before. And with difficulty and after that he had
received the service of dominion over you, when by the command
of the rulers of the age time brought us all to the city of
your habitation, on remembering slightly some rumour which
{I had heard] a short time before I asked him if he had written
anything according to what I had heard. And having con-
fessed that he had written something I asked him why he had
hidden it from me. Then being near and he having uttered
some feeble apology for this I demanded that he should bring
before me what he had written. And when he. had brought it
and I had found it to be of an evil nature, I rebuked him
privately and secretly with a severe reproof, and being moved
by the severity of the reproof, he promised, but untruthfully,
to correct the things which he had wickedly written. And
having believed him to be a man who had but recently erred
I hoped that he had corrupted his belief not from natural
wickedness of mind, but from the evilness of pride; and I
defined for him atime for amendment which was more than the
Xcll INTRODUCTION.
need of the matter required, and I departed from thence, having
hidden his error in silence. Now he did not only not fulfil his
promise, but he also went to his supporters who made him
confident by their speeches, and he was strengthened to confirm
his babble (e235) by the help of those whom he imagined to be
sufficiently powerful to support him. And when I heard of the
fraud which he had practised upon truth I wrote an exhor-
tation and entreaty to him in brotherly feeling, and I made two
dear brethren and fellow-disciples of his and mine participators
in the secret of the matter, and I sent them to him promptly,
and I commanded them not to inform any one of you concern-
ing these things, in order that I might not make an evil cause
for the man who was seeking an evil cause. And when he
had read those things which I wrote to him, and had heard
also those things which were said to him by those God-loving
brethren, he manifested a deceitful pretence and brought forth
this silly book, and at their instigation expunged sixteen chapters
in the presence of the brethren, and he dismissed them in peace
with a letter of gratitude to myself. And when those God-
loving brethren had arrived and had informed me concerning
the obedience of the silly man, I rejoiced and thanked our Lord
that He had not allowed His feeble servant to fall from the
good hope of orthodoxy of belief. And that silly man, wishing
to reprove me because I had erred [in believing] in him in vain,
and to make known to every man that he was working the will
of Satan, rose up straightway after the departure of those
God-loving brethren from him [p. 135], and took my letter to
him and carried it diligently to that honourable head, through
relying upon whom he had dared to fall into that silly wicked-
ness. Now this he did with wicked craft and diabolical artifice
that he might stir him up to enmity against me, and to fight
against me, and this was, as ye have already heard, the cause
of the sedition (OTd01¢) against me from which arose wickedly
all those things which have troubled the world. These things
then did that stupid man work by the agency of Satan, and he
set himself [to be] an occasion of evil to all those who wished
to try and to know if there existed among the children of the
Church, that is to say among the supporters of truth, any love
€
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. XClll
of belief. So then if the zeal of the love of the truth which is
in you, that is the zeal of the whole Church of God, be stirred
up, and reject and cast out from among you that man lacking
in understanding, those [who are like unto him] will be warned
and will cease to make manifest themselves in such like things.
But if you, that is the whole Church of God, cease from that
silly man, and allow him to remain in the honourable position
of headship, like unto one who hath in no way offended, then
will those men be strengthened and encouraged to advance in
opposition until they dare to attempt greater things. Thus even
as now shall be fulfilled that which is said, ‘Shall the Son of
Man come and find faith on the earth?” (St. Luke xviii. 8).
It is necessary then, O beloved brethren, those whom God hath
reared in a noble discipleship from of old until this present,
for you to be a chaste spectacle and a beautiful form to all
believing men in every place. For many generations ye have
preserved uninjured the surety of orthodoxy, and the fair fame
of your correctness of belief hath flown into every soul of the
Church, and especially because I, the feeble one, have also
preached the testimony of your excellence everywhere, and
I have shown my fellow-disciples and companions in orthodoxy
to all men, must ye, in very deed, manifest the might of your
belief by the proof of deeds, and ye must not allow to exist
among you a place for corrupt faith to enter therein through
a stupid man whom time and occasion have brought to you.
For ye know, O truly wise men, that from a small spark a fire
is kindled, and from this evil entrance of the [doctrine of] the
unity of the Person of Christ many forms of blasphemies against
God and against His government [will arise], and wretched men
will lapse into wickedness. For that one Person (fox) must,
of necessity, indicate one Nature, ye all know like teachers of God,
although that ignorant and stupid man thought it to be impossible
and that by this joss we should understand the word 340,45,
that is to say {4oy59 by the word jwoss, even as that silly writer
was himself anxious to demonstrate, the necessity of the ancient
Opinions upon the words forbiddeth, even as ye also know and
every man is acquainted with [this fact], although that man void
of understanding doth not possess any such opinions. And
XCIV
INTRODUCTION.
that a single constitution and a single joss are not able to
arise from Godhead and manhood, even as that stupid writer
hath stated, the impossibility of matters proclaimeth as it were
with a loud voice to all men; the silly man then, vainly laboured
[p. 136] to beat down the bounds of impossibility with stupid
assistance. And had he not been the most ignorant of men
he would never have dared to have written error like unto this
in a book, but would have kept it in his heart, although he
talked freely about the stupidity of his being entrapped by error
like unto this, even as others who have fallen sick in such
matters have reserved them for their opinion and speech only,
and have never dared to commit them to writing. Now there-
fore, O beloved brethren, inasmuch as the diabolical error
against the true belief began to manifest itself among you it
is your very right and bounden duty, more than all [other]
men to stand mightily against it, that by the little breath of the
fire of your zeal ye may quickly persuade the stirrer up of the
war [to desist from his] opposition against the truth, and that
by the outcome of matters ye may confirm to yourselves all
the fair renown which ye have acquired, and that ye may find
for me your beloved friend—but rather for the whole Church
of God—a subject for boasting against error, and a matter for
joy of the soul, and a cause for thanksgiving and praise to
God. Behold now ye have with you by the grace of God
also that little book which is called Huppakh Hushabhé, which
was composed many years before this senseless opinion spread
abroad, about the time when this error began toappear inthe admoni-
tion of certain men, and it sufficiently rebuketh the lack of under-
standing of those who err by the refutation of rational opinions.
Behold, moreover, I sent to you with this little book also a
copy of that little book which I wrote to correct the writings of
that stupid man, at the time when I still had good hope of
him, which he like a seditious man who stirreth up strife(?)
and who uncovereth his shame, in the madness of his mind
carried whither he did carry them with an evil intent, and to
such a degree that he became the originator of this tumult
which hath been stirred up against me, as well as of that against
the whole Church of God. And it is a marvellous thing that
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. XCV
being absolutely ignorant of every thing concerning what was
right, there should be found in him sufficient knowledge [to
perform] this work of making a tumult in the Church of God.
Read then that work in order that ye may know what things
happened through my care for him, and of his wicked cunning
against the truth, and whatsoever is meet for the fear of God
and for the love of the truth which is in you, and for the
good hope of the whole Church of God concerning you, be
ye diligent to carry out by the help of God. And may that
merciful God by Whose hands cometh every good thing with
which He maketh those who fear Him to abound, perfect you
in all good to work His will always, all the days of your lives,
Amen!
ishé-yahbh became Catholicus in 647, and as soon
as he was established in his new office he built at Beth
“Abhé “a splendid temple, at great expense, and provided it
with everything necessary for making the service glorious
and impressive. Wishing to form a source of supply
of monks for the service of the monastery generally and
for his new church, he formed the intention of founding
a school there near his cell into which he might im-
port “teachers and masters and expositors”, and where
might gather together “many scholars’. The monks,
however, objected to this, and Kam-Isho represented
to the Catholicus that the monastery was intended to
be a place where they were to pass their lives in
weeping and mourning, and not a school for children,
and that they could not lead a life of contemplation if
the noise of the voices of the boys learning ‘to sing
the chants and hymns was always ringing in their ears.
Finally, they added, that if he wished to build a school
at all, it must be somewhere else in the land of Persia,
the whole of which was under his dominion. To this
the Catholicus answered that he intended to carry out |
XCV1 INTRODUCTION.
his plan, firstly because with his wealth he had endowed
the monastery with earthly possessions, and secondly
because he was, spiritually, lord of all monasteries and
convents. When Kam-Ishé° saw that the Catholicus
had determined to build a school at Béth ‘Abhé, he
and Beraz Strin and seventy monks of the congregation
went into the martyrium, and taking the coffin of Rabban
Jacob they left the monastery by night in tears, and
went forth to Herpa, a village of Saphsapha, and
gathered together stones to build a monastery there.
On the night, however, in which the monks departed,
the Catholicus saw in a vision a mighty eagle bearing
many: eaglets upon his back flying away from the place
in the martyrium where Rabban Jacob was buried, and
he seemed to hear cries from the young ones as if
their food had been taken away from them. When he
came to himself he sent for the sacristan, who told him
that Kam-Ishé' and Béraz Sirin and seventy monks had
already departed, and that the whole body of monks
was making ready to follow them; believing this vision
to be a Divine indication that he was not to build the
school in the monastery, he departed and built it in
his native village of Kuphlana in Adiabene, and the
monks returned to their cells.
Shortly after ish -yahbh left Béth “Abhé, Simon,
the Metropolitan of Rew-Ardashir in Persia and of the
Katrayé, or Arabs of Katar on the Persian Gulf, refused
to acknowledge his authority, and the ingenuity of the
Catholicus was taxed to the utmost to keep this impor-
tant section of the Nestorian Church from breaking
away for good and all. In a series of seven letters’
* The text is printed in Vol. ii. pp. 154—174.
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. XCVIi
he expostulates with Simon and with the various con-
eregations under his charge, and he succeeded in healing
the breach, at least for a time. In spite of the excuse
which Ishé-yahbh made when Kam-Isho’ asked him to
write a life of Rabban Jacob, that the compiling of
books required “leisure of mind”, he found time to write
the history of Ishé'-sabhran, a convert from the religion
of Zoroaster and a Christian martyr;* the “Refutation
of Heretical Opinions”; and a number of exhortations,
services, hymns, and offices of baptism, absolution and
consecration. ‘Three series of letters written while he
was Bishop of Mosul, Metropolitan of Arbela, and Catho-
licus respectively, the texts of many of which are print-
ed in this volume, attest his untiring zeal for the Church,
and his careful watchfulness of every part of it even
in the most remote lands. One of the greatest services
which he did for the Church was the arrangement of
the Hudhra, or Service-book for the Sundays of the
whole year, for Lent, and for the fast of Nineveh,
which he drew up with the help of Anan-Ishd, the
redactor of the Book of Paradise of Palladius. During
the life-time of Isho-yahbh the Monastery of Béth “Abhé
reached its highest point of glory and renown, and here
he was buried when he died in 658.
Iv. KAM-iSHO .
Of Kam-Ishé the fourth Abbot of the Monastery
of Béth “Abhé, in the second quarter of the seventh
century, we know very little, but Thomas, Bishop
of Marga, tells us that he was Abbot “for many years’,
t See Wright, Syrzac Literature, p. 843.
(n)
XCVill INTRODUCTION.
and that he was the teacher of such famous ascetics
as Jacob of Béth Nihadhra, who became the Abbot
of the Monastery of Rabban Ishé-yahbh at Mésul, and
of Aphni-Maran, the author of many works and the
founder of a famous monastery.’ Shortly after he became
head of Béth‘Abhé he wrote to Ishé-yahbh, Bishop of
Mosul, saying that he felt unequal to perform satis-
factorily the great task which he had undertaken, and
among other things asking him to write a life of Jacob,
the founder of Béth ‘Abhé; ishé-yahbh’s answer is
fortunately extant and forms No. 18 of the series of
letters which he wrote while Bishop of Mdsul. In it he
begs the new head to be of good cheer, and to bear
patiently and with courage the load which has been
laid upon him, and he declines to write the life of Jacob
on the ground of many daily distractions, pointing out
that the work of compiling books needs leisure of mind
ia¥ou> os, He refers in slighting terms to the negligent
ways of the Metropolitan, and advises him either to
bear the temptation and trouble which a certain
“neighbour” is causing, or to appeal direct to the
Patriarch; in either case he wishes him to make up
his mind quickly.’
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THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. XCIx
Under the direction of Kam-Ishé, the Monastery of
Béth “Abhé attained a splendour which was never after-
wards equalled, and the number of monks which at the
death of Rabban Jacob had been eighty now rose to
a total of three hundred. For the new church and its
furniture, and for continual gifts and support, the mon-
astery was indebted to its generous and wealthy patron
ishé-yahbh, Bishop of Mésul, the son of the Persian
nobleman Bastéhmagh; but Kam-Ishé, at a very early
stage in his rule, showed this excellent man that there
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C INTRODUCTION.
were certain matters connected with the monastery
which the Abbot and his monks would only allow to
be decided by themselves. Thus when isho-yahbh IIL.
determined to build a school there for training boys
to become monks, KAam-Ishé and Béraz Strin resisted
him boldly, and when the Catholicus persisted in his
intention, they, together with seventy of the monks of
the congregation, took the body of Rabban Jacob from
the martyrium, and departed to Herpa in Saphsapha
where they began to build a monastery; warned in a
vision Ishé-yahbh gave up his plan and the monks
returned to their monastery. In the days of Kam-
ish lived ‘Anan-Isho’ the redactor of the Book of
Paradise.
V. BERAZ SURIN.
Béraz Sirin, the fifth Abbot of Béth “Abhé, probably
lived in the third quarter of the seventh century under
the Catholicus George, who sat from A. D. 661—680;
he was one of the most active of the monks who
opposed the building of a school in the monastery there
by the Catholicus Ishé-yahbh III. George the Catholicus
had been a great friend of ishé -yahbh Il., to whom he
owed his promotion in the church, and he had endowed
the Monastery of Béth “Abhé with a fine estate called
Béth Habba. His care for this house was so great
that he took pains while tarrying at Dirén, a place on the
chief island of Bahrén in the Persian Gulf, to have
cloths for the altar specially woven, and when his return
from his patriarchal visitation was announced, a deputa-
tion of monks, led by Simon the “Beardless”, went down
to meet and salute him on his arrival at Ctesiphon
and Seleucia. George was the author of some hymns
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABH. ci
and songs of praise, and prayers, and a few discourses
‘and canons, and he wisely employed the famous ‘Anan-
ishO, who in his later days became a monk at Béth
“Abhé, to redact the Book of Paradise of Palladius and
to make such additions to it as he was able.
About this time there flourished Rabban Sabhr-Isho,
who was surnamed Réostam, and who wrote histories of
many famous ascetics.’
VI. RABBAN MAR ABRAHAM.
Here, for convenience only, for no exact data con-
cerning his period are extant, must be mentioned Rabban
Mar Abraham, the Abbot of the Monastery of Rabban
Zékha-Ish6, who on account of the cold of the country
of Dasen, where it was situated, came when an old
man to Béth ‘Abhé and was elected Abbot. He was
originally a monk in the Great Monastery of Izla, and
he afterwards became the Abbot of the Monastery of
Rabban Zékha-Ishé. Thomas, Bishop of Marga, places
his history after that of the Abbot Gabriel, who suc-
ceeded Bar-Sauma, but he tells us expressly that it
should have been given earlier in the book. When
he came to Béth‘Abhé he directed the affairs of that
house and those of his own old monastery with great
success, and the arrangement which he made that one
steward should minister unto both monasteries continued
in force for some time.
VII. BAR-SAUMA.
Bar-Sauma, the seventh Abbot of Béth‘ Abhé, flourish-
ed under the Patriarch Héndn-Ishé, who sat from
baoee 2. O.ys ill. k2) p. °153. Ce GEaN Ol. Min). 10.
3 pee Vol. ii. p. 213.
Cli INTRODUCTION.
686—7or1. Thomas of Marga distinctly states* that Bar-
Sauma succeeded Béraz Sirin, otherwise it would seem
that we ought to place Simon the “Beardless” sixth in
the list of Abbots of Béth ‘Abhé, for when that mon-
astery sent a deputation to its patron George the Catho-
licus, we read that the elders chose “suitable men to
meet him and to salute the father of fathers, and they
all entreated this honourable head of the monastery,
Abba Simon, to be the agent by whose means the
homage due to his holy fatherhood might be conveyed
to him”. Of Bar-Sauma Thomas says nothing.
VIII. GABRIEL OF SIARZOR.
Gabriel, surnamed the “Cow”, came from the country
between Arbela and Hamadan and was educated in the
schools. at Nisibis, and afterwards became a monk
in the Great Monastery on Mount Izla. He was a
learned man and a good debater, and wrote several
successful treatises against the “shorn* followers of
Severus of Antioch’, who lived in the Monastery of
Kartemin, which lay to the east of Mardin. When
Sahdéna had been expelled from the Nestorian Church
by Ishé-yahbh IIL, Gabriel went to him at Edessa, and
held a controversy with him and defeated him. He
wrote a discourse to be read at Easter and several
small narratives, but his chief work was a history of
-the martyrs of Tur Berain. He loved the Monastery
of Béth “Abhé exceedingly, and revered its founder, for
at the end of his life of Narsai, an Abbot of the Great
Pesta WOR Th joy ee
2 A term of contempt applied to the monks who shaved
the whole head.
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABH. Clil
Monastery, he says, “It is sufficient for me to say in
praise of Rabban Mar Abraham and his congregation,
that the holy Rabban Jacob, the founder of the Mon-
astery of Béth ‘Abhé, went forth from it, for the Lord
hath builded by his hands the king of monasteries”.
Gabriel was Abbot of the Great Monastery for a
short time, but for some reason he left and came to
GHA:
Béth Abhé.
IX. GEORGE OF NESHRA.
Of George of Neshra or Nishra, a village in Adiabene,
who was surnamed “Bar-Sayyadheé”, z. ¢, “son of fish-
ermen’, little is known; he lived under the Patriarch
Hénan-Isho, who sat from 686—7or, and according to
‘Abhd-Ishé wrote the “Book of Obedience.”* The life
of George was the first in the “Book of the Little
Paradise”, which was written by David, Bishop of the
Kartaw Arabs, who flourished under the Patriarch
Timothy (he sat from 780—828), at the request of
Hawaz-Nahédh, a believer from the village of Bashdsh
near Mésul. During the rule of George at Béth “Abhé
three monks, Abha, Thomas, and Bar-Idta, from the
Monastery of Rabban Sélibha, which was near Héghla
Oméd, a village on the Tigris, were falsely accused by
their brethren of belonging to the sect of the hateful
heretics called Mésalléyané, and letters were sent to
the Patriarch Hénan-Isho informing him of this accusation.’
T JNosswAxw> JINa BO LAK Dal Sod.
2 The letters of accusation were sent to Hénan-Ishé' while
he was staying in the Monastery of Jonah near Mosul. This
unfortunate man had been deposed for nearly two years through
the machinations of John of Dasen, Bishop of Nisibis, and after
CIV INTRODUCTION.
The Patriarch wrote to their accusers saying that he
had personally no knowledge whatever of the matters
of which these three men were accused, and that he
never interfered in the affairs of monks, but that as the
accusation must be enquired into he wished this to be
done by the Abbot and monks of Béth‘Abhé. George
and his colleagues examined the three monks, and
finding that there was no ground for the accusation,
reported this fact to the Patriarch, and the men returned
to their cells by his order. George was buried at Béth
Abhé in that part of the church called #5em sz, z ¢,
“place where the after-supper service’ (or compline)
was sung, which lay to the north of the choir.
X. SAMA OF NESHRA.
Sama, the tenth Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé, was the
brother of George surnamed Bar-Sayyadhé; his life
was written in the “Book of the Little Paradise” by
David, Bishop of the Kartaw Arabs, and he was buried
in the church at Béth ‘Abhé near his brother.
XI. NATHANIEL.
Nathaniel, the eleventh Abbot of Béth‘Abhé, flourish-
ed under the Patriarch Hénan-Ishé, and his life was
being thrown into prison for some days, was released and sent
to a monastery in the mountains in charge of two of John’s
disciples. On the way these men threw him down a precipice
and injured or broke one or both of his legs; for this reason
he was surnamed the “Lame”. The men thought he was dead
and left him, but he was found by some shepherds who nursed
him and brought him to the Monastery of Jonah, where he was
buried in 701.
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHf. CV
written in the “Book of the Little Paradise” by David,
Bishop of the Kartaw Arabs; he was buried in the
church of Béth ‘Abhé. He wrote polemical treatises
against the followers of Severus of Antioch, and the
Manicheans (?zi), and the people of the Arab district
of Kanda (#35), and the Mandarayé,’ and a commen-
tary on the Psalms of David.
XII. SELIBHA THE ARAMEAN.
Sélibha, the twelfth Abbot of Béth “Abhé, pan
came from the country to the north of Bagdad;
he flourished under the Patriarch Héndn-ishé, and
his life was written in the “Book of the Little
Paradise” by David, Bishop of the Kartaw Arabs. He
was buried in the church at Béth “Abhé. During the
lifetime of Sélibha a serious famine took place in the
country of Marga, and some of the monks were obliged
to retire to the mountainous districts where they could
find berries to eat.’
XIII. GABRIEL, SURNAMED “LITTLE SPARROW .
Gabriel, the thirteenth Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé, flourish-
ed at the end of the seventh century, and _ his life
was written in the “Book of the Little Paradise” by
David, Bishop of the Kartaw Arabs; he was buried in
the church at Béth ‘Abhé.
XIV. JOSEPH OF STARZOR.
Joseph, the fourteenth Abbot of Beth Abhé, came from
the country of Siarzér or Shahraztir, and was a kinsman
* The us4s% took their name from the Arab king seri
See iti. 1. ps. 224) and Payne Smith,- 7Zes., col. 2171.
eyocet\ Ol. il. p. 225.
(0)
CVv1 INTRODUCTION.
of Gabriel, surnamed the “Dancer”, Bishop of Beth
Garmai; he came to the monastery during the lifetime
of this old man, probably about A. D. 720. He lived
a strict ascetic life, and was a man of lowly mind, and
his virtues induced the brethren to make him their
abbot. When he had held this office for four years
the Patriarch Sélibha-zekha, who succeeded Hénan-Ishé
in 7OI, came to Béth ‘Abhé with the intention of car-
rying off a beautiful Evangeliarium bound in gold and
set with jewels,’ which had been bequeathed to the
monastery by its famous patron the Patriarch, Ishé -
yahbh Ill. of Adiabene. Rabban Joseph resisted the
Patriarch and rebuked him for his cupidity, and when
he tried to remove it by force, the young coenobites
fell upon him and buffeted him and took it away;
the elders apologized to the Patriarch for the rough
handling which he had received, but Rabban Joseph
resigned his office, and left the monastery, and became
the Abbot of the Monastery of Bar ‘Idta. Soon after -
he came there an Arab called Ayas, a member of the
tribe of Dhahl, the storekeeper of the monastery, asked
and obtained permission from the monks to build a
house for his cattle on their estate, and little by little
he séized upon the fields round about it, and made
them his own. For some reason he slew the steward
and cast his body into a well, and next threatened the
life of the Abbot Joseph. When Joseph heard this he
went to Baladh, a town situated on the east bank of
the Tigris, about forty miles north of Mosul, where he
founded the monastery which is called after his name.’
a
Tee Ola apne 20,
fypee Voll ibe pot2a3 note as:
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHD. CVii.
XV. JOHN.
John, the fifteenth Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé, was a
nephew of © Anain-Ishé, who redacted the Book of
Paradise for the Patriarch George (he sat from 661—680),
and he entered the monastery as a youth during his
uncle’s lifetime. He was admirably constituted for
leading the life of an ascetic, and the renown of his
piety and abstinence caused him to be elected abbot
of his monastery, and later Bishop of Béth Beghash
on the Upper Zab, and finally Metropolitan of Adiabene
by the Patriarch Selibha-zekha, who died in 728. He
bequeathed to the library of Béth‘ Abhé all the books
which he had inherited from his uncle, and he showed
his affection for that house in many other ways. John’s
syncellus was called Dindowai, and him he appointed
Bishop of Maalltha and Henaitha; this pious man like-
wise bequeathed his books to the library of Béth ‘ Abhé.
John ruled as abbot for many years, and he was buried
by the door of the screen (34 = ppéxtns) of the
martyrium.
About the period of John’s rule the glory of Beth
Abhé was much diminished, and Gabriel, surnamed the
Dancer, a monk there who afterwards became Metropolitan
Bishop of Kerkuk, says in a work which he composed that
of all the estates which the Patriarchs ishé -yahbh IIL
and George bequeathed to them nothing whatever was left.’
XVI. AHA.
Aha, the sixteenth Abbot of Béth ‘ Abhé, was born at
Awakh, in the district of Talana, in the country of Marga;
aoee! V oli-ii.. p:. 248.
cvill INTRODUCTION.
he and his brother Shibhhal-Maran were educated
at Shalmath! and afterwards entered Béth ‘Abhé;
when John was elected Bishop of Beghash Aha was
elected Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé. He was a man of fine
presence but of humble and lowly mind. He lived a
strict ascetic life and ate only a little bread and onion
with some water each evening; in.church he never
lifted his eyes from the tops of his sandals from the
beginning of the service to the end. Under the rule
of the Patriarch Mar Abha this Abbot was elected
Metropolitan of Athér and Adiabene; his consecration
took place between 740—750. Aha took part in the
deposition of Strin the Patriarch in 754, and he seems
to have played his part in this difficult business with
tact and skill; he lived a short time after this event,
and died and was buried at Shalmath in Marga.
About this time flourished Babhai of Geébhilta in
Tirhan, who devoted himself to the task of founding
schools in the country of Marga, and of improving the
musical portions of the Nestorian church-service; what
ishé-yahbh of Adiabene did for the service-book that
did Babhai for church music. Each country, town, and
monastery had its own hymn and psalm tunes and
sang them in its own way, and if a man happened to
be in a church away from his home he could not join
in the service, but had to stand silent like one ignorant.
Babhai arranged the versicles, responses, final clauses,
tunes for psalms and hymns, and drew up a set of
* For his dream in which he foresaw that he would become
a bishop, see Vol. ii. p. 263.
2 Baxa oo . . . s uOST0DS fdac7e WN faa. th SD> G10 30D
ManoNi joSors .dSONN12 Bar-Hebraeus, Chron. Eccles., ii. col. 155.
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. C1x
directions to teach people how to use them. Being
fully aware that any wide-spread system of reform
flourishes best when it can be taught in schools, Babhai
induced various Persian noblemen to supply money,
and he succeeded in establishing at least twenty-four
schools’ wherein the “musical system of Rabban Babhai”
was taught in the days of Aha the Metropolitan. As
five of them were founded in monasteries it seems that
all monks did not so seriously object to the noise of
the boy’s voices as did Kam-Ishé, Abbot of Béth
‘Abhé. Babhai was the author of many metrical com-
positions arranged alphabetically, and of ‘“Consolations”
and “Blessings”.
Here must be mentioned Maran-ammeh of Hatré,
or Hatra, in Tirhan, one of the disciples of Babhai the
musician. This man was appointed teacher of the
school of the village of Kephar ‘Uzzél, and his life there
was in every way so remarkable that Mar Aha the
Metropolitan elected him to the Bishopric of Salakh
in the room of Mar Ishd-zékha. Salakh, the
native country of Thomas, Bishop of Marga, abounded
at that time in Magianism, and the inhabitants thereof
worshipped the sun, moon and stars, and trees of
beautiful foliage, and here Maran -ammeh began to work
a series of miracles, the narrative concerning which
forms an important section of the Book of Governors.
According to Thomas, Bishop of Marga, he converted
many of the Shahrighan, a sect which regarded Christ as
“one of the prophets’ and as having no divinity; he
* For their names see Vol. ii. p. 295.
2 See Vol. ii. p. 148.
3 The text of one of his hymns is given on p. 300.
CX INTRODUCTION.
destroyed an ants’ nest in the wall of the church at
Nehshon by having it sprinkled with water in which
he had washed the cross which he wore; he raised
the son of a widow to life, and performed many miracles
of a like nature; and he prophesied the downfall of
the Shahrighan, who were great land-owners in Salakh,
and their utter destruction by Hatim bar-Salih, who
was as yet unborn. On the death of Mar Aha he was
appointed Metropolitan Bishop of Adiabene by the
Patriarch Jacob, who sat from 753—772, and soon after
he had taken office he made a re-distribution of the
dioceses under his rule. In his day many members of
religious houses had given themselves over to a vicious
course of life, and Maran-ammeh received a revelation
to go and destroy the villages wherein they lived. He
pleaded with the angel of the Lord that he could not
destroy his own flock, and when he saw that the com-
mands which he brought to him must perforce be carried
out he fled to the desert and took refuge in a reedy
swamp whither the spiritual being followed him, on the
choice of being burned with fire in the reeds or going
to fulfill his Lord’s behests being placed before him
once more, he promised with tears to execute the
judgment which was decreed upon the wicked. When
he had given his word the angel placed him back in
his cell in one moment. Soon after this he set out
from his monastery, and crossing the Zab made his
way into the mountainous country east of Marga; here
by his means the village of Birta was burned with fire;
Béth Tehtnai was swallowed up in the earth amid
thunders and lightnings; Béth “Ainatha was destroyed
by the blasts of a mighty wind; Habbtshta (ev Hebh-
shiishta) was destroyed by his curses; Béth Edhré was
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. Cx
raided by the northern barbarians and its people were
slain; Maya Kariré decayed and the estates there passed
into other hands; at Béth Kardagh the tower in which
a Jacobite pillar-saint* lived was struck by the lightnings
from a storm which rose in Gebel Maklib, and
the pillar-saint himself was killed, according to the
prophecy of Maran-ammeh; and the village of Hetré
became a ruin. In the days of Maran-ammeh there
was a great famine, and the good man took a very
active part in administering relief to the widows and
orphans.’
XVII. ISHO-YAHBH OF TELLA OF BIRTA.
ishoé-yahbh, the seventeeth Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé,
was a kinsman of Ish6é-yahbh III. the Patriarch, and
was born at Tella in the province of Birta, and he entered
the monastery when John, Metropolitan of Adiabene,
was abbot. When Aha was made Metropolitan of
Adiabene in the room of John, Ishé-yahbh — suc-
ceeded him as abbot, and when Abraham, Bishop
of Nineveh, died isho -yahbh was elected to fill his
place. Here he lived until he became an old man,
and he performed the episcopal office with such success
that on the death of Hénan-Ishé IL, who sat from
774—780, the Bishops and Metropolitans made _ all
arrangements to elect him to the patriarchate.’ When
* On the origin of pillar-saints see the interesting article on
Simeon Stylites (A. D. 395—451) by Noldeke in his Skeiches
from Eastern History, English translation by J. S. Black, M.
A., Edinburgh, 1892, p. 214.
2 See Vol. ii. p. 338f.
3 On p. 379, 1. 15, for “so that he became the Patriarch”,
read “so that he might become the Patriarch”.
CXil INTRODUCTION.
Timothy, Bishop of Béth Beghash, saw that it was the
general wish to make Ishé-yahbh the Patriarch, he went
to him secretly, and persuaded him that as he was an
old man he would not be able to resist the attacks
of Ephraim, Metropolitan of Gundé-Shabhor, and of
Thomas, Bishop of Kashkar, both of whom were, with
Timothy, candidates for the patriarchate; Timothy also
promised to make him Metropolitan of Adiabene, and
thus succeeded in causing him to refuse to be appointed
Catholicus and Patriarch. Shortly after this, by some
means or other, Timothy became Patriarch and in a
few days he elected Ishé -yahbh Metropolitan of Adiabene.
When the people of Adiabene saw that they had not
been consulted in the election of Ishé -yahbh they refused
to acknowledge him as their head, and being stirred
up to rebellion by Joseph, Metropolitan of Merv, they
took Rostam, Bishop of Henaitha, and made him Metro-
politan of Arbela in the Mud Convent which is on the
Tigris, below the Hebrew Fortress in Nineveh, and
the Shahrighan seated him on the Metropolitan throne
of Béth Mar Kardagh. Rostam at once seized upon
the revenues of the see and gave himself up to a
luxurious life, and one day when riding on a mule on
his return from a drunken feast the dogs of Beth Mar
Kardagh surrounded the animal and he could not go
on; Rostam was at last obliged to dismount, and as he did
so these animals rushed upon him in a body and
bit and worried him to death. When the people of
Adiabene saw the fate of their unconsecrated bishop,
they repented of their folly and inducted Ishé-yahbh
with great honour.
In the days of Ishd -yahbh the church of Béth ‘Abhé,
which had been built by his great namesake the Patriarch
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABH. CXili
from Adiabene, had become old and ruined, and the
Abbot saw that it was necessary to rebuild it. He
brought workmen and hewed limestone in the mountain
of Debhar Hephtén, and brought it in rafts to the foot
of the mountain peak upon which the Monastery of
Béth ‘Abhé stood; from the river it was carried to the
site of the church by donkeys and mules. The altar
and the coffins and bodies of the men who had been
buried in the martyrium were removed to the library,
and the walls of the church, massive even in their
decay, were pulled down. Notwithstanding the active
opposition of the brethren Ishé-yahbh continued his
work, and was, by a miracle, enabled to pay the heretic
contractor whom he employed, two sums of seven and
thirteen thousand pieces of money (2. @, about £500)
respectively. When the church was finished he intended
to rebuild the other parts of the monastery and the
porters lodge, but he died shortly after Easter and
was buried in Béth Mar Kardagh in Adiabene. During
Ishé-yahbh’s abbotship the governor of Mésul mulcted
the monastery of fifteen thousand pieces of silver, a
sum equal to about £375 of our money.
XVIII. CYRIACUS OF GEBHILTA.
Cyriacus, the eighteenth Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé, was
born at Gébhilta in Tirhan, and was the son of wealthy
Christian parents; he was a disciple of Girya, a disciple
of Babhai the musician, and afterwards entered the
Monastery of Béth‘Abhé when Mar Aha was the abbot,
probably between 740 and 750. When he had passed
through the three years of his novitiate he went to
live in a cell by himself, and practised the most rigid
(p)
CX1V INTRODUCTION.
austerities. His daily food consisted of a dry crust
which he ate at eventime dipped in salt and water,
and when he was sitting, reading, eating or sleeping
he used to bind his knees round with a thick leather
strap, so that he could not by any means stretch >ut
his legs. At night, when keeping vigil, he usea to
bend one knee like a camel and fasten a leather strap
round the bent foot and thigh, and holding a rod,
he stood all night in that painful position, like a crane
standing on one foot; worn out by exhaustion he some-
times fell down fainting and when he had recovered
himself he fastened the strap round the other foot and
leg, and continued his watching until the day breathed.
When the abbot Ishé-yahbh died the choice of the
brethren fell upon Cyriacus, who having been appointed
abbot, at once deputed the temporal affairs of the house
to the charge of one of the brethren, so that his own
ascetic manner of life might not be interrupted. For
some reason or other at this period of its history Beéth
Abhé fell into great trouble: the locusts ate up the
seed corn, and food became scarce, and Cyriacus himself
was obliged to go to Mésul (?) to borrow from the
merchants there, eight thousand z#zé, a sum equal to about
£200 of our money, and to pay interest thereon. While the
monastery was in this pitiable condition Cyriacus healed
the son of an Arab of Mésul who was sick unto death,
and the grateful Arab in return paid the debt owed
by the monks, and left two thousand z#zé (€ 50) with
them for their most pressing needs. Notwithstanding,
however, all the virtues of Cyriacus, the Monastery of
Béth ‘Abhé sank little by little into a deplorable con-
dition under his rule, and within a few years after his
THE ABBOTS OF BETH ABHE. CXV
death the house which had educated four Patriarchs,"
and had produced the editors of the Nestorian service-
book for all the Sundays of the year, and the redactor
of the “Book of Paradise” of Palladius, and the authors
of works which for their learning and excellence were
standard authorities on all spiritual and temporal matters
throughout the length and breadth of the land, was
obliged to hire the services of Solomon of Béth Garmai
and of Bath to teach its monks how to read the
service-books and to sing the hymns and responses.
In a vision one day Cyriacus foresaw that forty-two
of the monks were to become rulers in the Nestorian
Church at home and abroad, now this actually came
to pass, for Cyriacus became Bishop of Baladh, George
and Abraham became Patriarchs, ten were made Metropo-
litan Bishops and Bishops of Gilan and Dailém near the
Caspian Sea, one became Bishop of Mikan, one became
Metropolitan of China,? one became Bishop of Yemen and
t Ish6'-yahbh III. of Adiabene, George I. and George IL,
and Abraham who sat from 837 to 850. It is almost certain
that Timothy was educated at Béth ‘Abhé.
? Uieu Mus The first Nestorian missionary arrived in China
in the early part of the seventh century, although it seems that
Christianity must have penetrated that country long before this
time. Tradition assigns the evangelization of China to St. Thomas,
and although this may be somewhat doubtful there is no doubt
that Arnobius, who wrote about A. D. 300, reckoned the people
of the Seres as Christians; compare ‘‘Enumerari enim possunt,
atque in usum computationis venire, ea quae in India gesta sunt,
apud Seras, Persas et Medos” etc.: Adversus Gentes, Leyden,
1651. lib. ii. p. 50. See also Le Quien, Ovzens Christianus,
fommeit. col. 1269; Assemani, 2. O., iti. ii. ps 403; Kircher,
China Illustrata, pp. 57, 92; Raulin, Azst. Eccles. Malabar,
Rome, 1745, p. 7; Du Halde, Description de la Chine; and
CXv1 INTRODUCTION.
Sana, one became Metropolitan of Kerktk, four became
Bishops of Béth Garmai, one became Bishop of Shdshan
in Elam, two became Bishops of Béth Beghash, three
became Bishops of Marga, one became Bishop of Nineveh,
one became Bishop of Shenna, and two became Bishops
of Khanishabhor.' There is little wonder that Thomas,
Bishop of Marga, was proud of the monastery which
might be called the “Mother of Patriarchs and Bishops”,
and we may judge of the old reputation of the house
for piety and. learning by the fact that its sons were
accepted without question as rulers of the churches even
in remote Yemen and China.
In the days of Cyriacus an Arab called “Amran bar-
Muhammad made his way into Marga, and having seized
many of the villages round about he tried to force the
brethren of Béth ‘Abhé to sell the monastery and its
estates to him. The Abbot refused to entertain the
proposition, and predicted a wretched fate for Amran,
Gibbins, Authentzc Memozrs of the Christian Church wn China,
Dublin, 1862, Introduction. The famous bilingual Chinese-Syriac
inscription of Singan-fu (see Vol. ii. p. 379) was discovered
in 1625, while some excavations were being made, and it is
dated A. Gr. 1092 = A. D. 780—781. It is rectangular in
shape and measures about 7*/, ft.><3%/, ft.><9 in., and has upon
it a figure somewhat like the Maltese Cross. ‘5 palmis lata,
uno crassa, longa fere decem; ..57.. tenet crucisfiguram, non
absimilem ei, quam Equites portant Melitenses” (Kircher, Pvo-
dromus, p. 52).. The question of the genuineness of the Chinese
part of the inscription has been raised by some writers, but I
am assured by the Chinese scholar Prof. R. K. Douglas, Keeper
of Oriental MSS. in the British Museum, that there is no doubt
about it whatever.
* For their names see Vol. ii. p. 447. The names of the
eleven others Thomas was unable to give.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA: CXVII
whereupon, this Arab sent men to lie in wait about
the monastery to slay him; the men were unable to
carry out their orders, for they were afraid of the
miraculous fire which protected the abbot’s body and
which made his cell full of light. When Cyriacus had
lived fifty years at Béth ‘Abhé he was elected Bishop
of Baladh, but he only ministered in his new office for
fifty days; he died about A. D. 800.
XIX. SHUBHHAL-MARAN.
The nineteenth Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé was Shibhhal-
Maran of whom Thomas tells us little.
XX. JOSEPH II.
The twentieth Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé was Joseph, a
native of Beth Méshainané on the Lower Zabh in Béth
Garmai. He lived a strictly ascetic life and fasted for
many days at a time; for forty years he neither lifted
up his head nor saw the ceiling of the temple. During
the period of his rule Béth ‘Abhé was plundered by
the Kurds of Kartaw who carried off everything of
value while he was peacefully sleeping his mid-day
sleep in his cell. Joseph is the last Abbot of Béth
“Abhé mentioned by Thomas, and it is doubtful if he
had a successor; he died in the year 832.
CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN
MESOPOTAMIA.
Of the origin of monasticism and of the causes
which first led men to lead an ascetic life nothing
CXVII1 INTRODUCTION.
seems to be known with certainty. Thomas, Bishop
of Marga, adopting the opinion of other Christian
writers, states boldly that Moses and Elijah the Great
were the first ascetics, and that Christ and His Apostles
and John the Baptist were their successors, and that
the life of “virginity and holiness” (by which he means
the “ascetic life”) led by Moses und Elijah was the
counterpart of that led by Christ and His Apostles.’
At the same time, however, he says that “virginity
and holiness descended from hand to hand among all
nations, but especially among the pious armies of monks
that exist in all quarters of the earth”,? and it is clear
that he wishes it to be understood that the successors of
Moses, Elijah, Elisha, and the “sons of the prophets”,
and John the Baptist were the Christian monks. In the
fifth book* of the “Book of Governors” Thomas goes
more fully into the question of the life of silence and
contemplation led by heathen philosophers, and he quotes
examples showing that certain eminent Greeks pursued
a life of solitude, and he attempts to prove that they
“became gods among men’ thereby. The four Greeks
to whom he refers are Pythagoras, Homer, Plato, and
FE OECI Olea ee 20,02 7. 2. See Wool. aimee
3 In a chapter on the origin of the ascetic life sop oq As
3 Nabe 0380 800 ~NoOwdame> 2907 fudo2 Wado four, by ‘Abhd-Ishé' of
Nisibis it is said distinctly that the band of monks were an-
ciently called ‘Sons of the Prophets” geaass papa Sooo POX YN
007 wAHN fats ois, and that they bore this name until they re-
ceived the Gospel when they became known as #843 2. ¢., men
who had “gone forth from the world”. When the belief in Christ
grew and increased they applied to themselves the appellation
Moroso», 2. &., MOVAXOs.
4. See Vol. ti. -p.-§30.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CX1X
Hippocrates, but many of his statements concerning
them are traditions, in support of which there seems
to be no evidence forthcoming. Thus he makes
Homer an alchemist and states that he could transmute
metals* and make precious stones; Plato built himself
a cell in the heart of the desert and taking the Old
Testament with him, meditated for three years upon
the verse “Hear, O Israel, the Lord thy God is One’;’
and Hippocrates by means of a life of solitude and
silence learned how the child was formed in the womb
of its mother. On* the other hand his remarks con-
cerning Pythagoras have the appearance of being taken
from a more trustworthy source:—‘Pythagoras, the
master of philosophers, from the experience which he
had gained during a long interval of time, said, ‘Without
the lying fallow of the body in restraint, and the silence
of the tongue from speaking, philosophy? can never be
acquired. And he commanded all those who were being
taught in his school to keep silence for five years, and
the entrance to wisdom was taught by him in that school
by hearing and sight only”. That Pythagoras did in-
culcate the doctrine of silence for several years is well
known, and it seems that his “school”, entrance to which
was obtained after probation only, which was to all
* See especially the excellent article Chemze by Hoffmann
in Ladenburg’s Handworterbuch der Chimie, Breslau 1884, Bd.
XVI. p. 2, pp. 516—530.
2 Deuteronomy vi. 4. On the mythical nature of this and
other similar statements concerning Plato see Zeller, Plato and
the Older Academy (English translation by Alleyne and Good-
win), London 1876, p. 14.
3 Thomas uses @idooogeiv to signify the practice of as-
ceticism.
CXX INTRODUCTION.
intents and purposes a religious institution wherein many
of the members were celibates,’ and several abstained
from animal food, and had all things in common, is
a nearer approach to the later Christian monastery
than any thing else known to us at that early time.’
Coming nearer to the Christian era, the Essenes
or Therapeutae,? as they are indifferently called, came
very near to the ideal of the monastic life. They
lived among the palm trees near the Dead Sea,‘ and
devoted themselves to the study of divine philosophy,
they gave their property to their telatives, they relin-
quished all business, they ate sparingly, they eschewed
marriage, and passed their days in their monasteries
celebrating sacred mysteries and praising God’ Almighty.
* On these points see particularly Zeller, Azstory of Greek
Philosophy, (translated by Alleyne), London, 1881. Vol. 1.
pp. 306—532; Roth, Geschechte unserer Abendlaindischen Philo-
sophie, two parts, Mannheim, 1846—1858; Chaignet, Pythagore
el la Philosophie Pythagoricrenne, 2 vols. Paris, 1873; and for
statements on Pythagoras by classical writers see Ritter and
Preller, H/estorta Philosophiae Graecae et Romanae, 1878.
2 Je, about the end of the ‘sixth century BC) Smuts
date of the birth of Pythagoras see Zeller, of. cz¢., vol. 1,
p. 325, note 1. Compare the description of the lives of Egyptian
priests in Porphyry, De Adstinentza, lib. iv. S Off.
3 See Smith and Wace, Dectionary of Christian Biography,
vol iv. art. Philo.
4 Ab occidente litora Esseni fugiunt usque qua nocent, gens
sola, et in toto orbe praeter ceteras mira, sine ulla femina,
omni venere abdicata, sine pecunia, socia palmarum. In diem
ex aequo convenarum turba renascitur large frequentantibus
quos vita fessos ad mores eorum fortunae fluctibus agitat. Ita
per seculorum milia (incredibile dictu) gens aeterna est, in qua
nemo nascitur, tam fecunda illis aliorum vitae paenitentia est.
Pliny, Nate-Elist, vet
> SSOZOMEN),) L757, eicciese al,
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CXX1
Whether these people were Jews as Philo says, or whether
they were Christians who had been converted by St. Mark
as some have thought, it in nowise disturbs the fact
that a set of men‘ lived an ascetic life near the Dead
Sea. According to Josephus (Aztzguztees, xviii. 1. 5) they
were about four thousand in number.
The home of Christian monasticism was Egypt,
and the lives, habits and dress? of the strict ascetics
of this country were diligently copied by monastic
communities in all parts of the world. The first famous
Egyptian ascetic was Paul of Thebes, the auctor vitae
monasticae, who retired to the desert about A. D. 250
and died about 342, aged 113 years; Paul, however,
strictly speaking belonged to the class of monks called
“anchorites’, and he seems to have trained no disciples;
we must therefore consider Antony the Great to be
the first Christian who succeeded in reducing the
monastic life to a system,3 and who left behind him
a number of followers. Soon after the profession of
1 See Hospinianus, De Monachzs (De Ethnicorum Monachis),
wutich; 1600, p. IO.
2 On this point see Holstenius, Codex Regularum, Rome,
1661. Pars. ii. p. 565; Hospinianus, of. czz., p. 584; Evagrius,
Capita Practica (in Migne, Patrologiae, tom. 40, col. 1222ff.);
Cassianus, De Instetutis Coenobiorun, \ib. 1, capp. 3, 4.
3 Verum certum est primo, ante S. Antonium monachorum
patrem, nec coenobia, nec coenobitas in Aegypto autalibi exstitisse ;
Assemani, &. O., iii. ii. p. 303. For his “Rules” see Holstenius,
Codex Regularum, pars. i. p. 1ff.; for his ‘Zwenty Descourses
to his sons the monks’, and other works see Migne, Fatrologzae,
Ser. Graec. tom. 40, col. 963ff. and col. 1067; and compare
Hospinianus, De Monachis (De Origine et primis authoribus
Eremiticae vitae), pp. 158, 18a. See also Vol. ii. p. 30.
4 Sozomen, //zst. Eceles., i. 13.
(q)
CXXI1 INTRODUCTION.
the ascetic life became firmly established the monks
divided themselves into two great classes," namely, the
solitaries or anchorites, and those who lived in com-
munities. The monk povayxds,? lived alone in a mona-
stery or cell povaotipiov,? which in Egypt might be
made of mats, or reeds, or hewn out of the rock; a
collection of such cells was called a laura \avpa;* and
the place where a number of monks lived under one
roof and under one control was called a coenobium,
kowopiov.> The solitary monk usually established himself
in a place at no great distance from running water,
and the laura and the coenobium were frequently built
near a river or stream, or in some place near a spring;
the laura and coenobium always contained a church.
1 John Cassianus (Collation xviii. cap. iv. p. 513. ed. Rome
1588) divides the monks into three classes: —Tria sunt in Aegypto
genera monachorum, quorum duo sunt optima, tertium tepidum
atque omnimodis evitandum. Primum est coenobitatum, qui
scilicet in congregatione pariter consistentes, unius senioris Judicio
gubernantur, cujus generis maximus numerus monachorum per
universam commoratur Aegyptum. Secundum anachoretatum,
qui prius in coenobiis instituti, jamque in actuali conversatione
perfecti, solitudinis eligere secreta..... Tertium reprehensibile
Sarabaitarum est ..... (on this last class see CoMatzon xviii.
CAD, 4/7 )4
* Graeca vox est, et significat hominem solitarium, qui solus
vivit, et vitae solitariae genus elegit; Hospinianus, De Monachis,
Dam , "
3 See Du Cange, Glossarium, coll. 792, 947, 948. “Abhd-Ishé'
explains jdieso%w by Jade NaS; see Mai, Vova collectio, tom. x.,
Daren:
+ See the introduction to Gregory Smith’s Christean Mon-
asticism, London, 1892.
5 See Hospinianus on the words monastery and coenobium,
in De Monachis, p. 36.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CXXII1
The founding of the first coenobium is attributed to
Pachomius.* The description of the lives, habits, dress,
heresies, beliefs, e¢c., of the early monks of Egypt has
been so often set forth? that we may at once call
attention to the facts connected with the establishment
of Christian monasticism in Mesopotamia.
During the early years of the fourth century Antony
the Great of Egypt had a wise disciple called Hilarion,
who, having imbibed the system of divine philosophy
from his master, set out for his native land of Palestine,
and established there the monastic life and institutions
similar to those of Egypt. He lived near Gaza in a
cell which was so small that he could neither stand
t See Vol. ii. p. 396; for his “Rules” see Cassianus, De zx-
stetutes renuntzantzum, Rome, 1588, p. 649ff.; and Holstenius,
Codex Regularum, p. 63 ff.
2 Sozomen, Hzs¢t. Eccles. i. 12—14; vi. 31; Hospinianus, De
Monachis, pp. 1—63; Thomassin, Dectzonnatre de Discipline
Fccléstastaque, Paris, 1856; Helyot, Dectconnatre des Ordres
Religieux, Paris, 1846. (in Migne’s Lucyclopédie Théologique,
tomi 20—23); Rufinus, Vztae Patrum; Cassianus, De lnstztutzs
renuntiantium, Rome, 1588; Palladius, Azs¢. Laus. (in Migne
Patrologiae, Ser. Graec. tom. 34). If we may believe the accounts
of those who visited the various abodes of the monks in Egypt,
the numbers of men and women who retired to them were
very great. Thus in the Monastery of Pachomius in the Thebaid
fourteen hundred monks lived; at Oxyrhynchus there were
twenty thousand monks and ten thousand nuns; the Natron
Valley, Palladius tells us, was inhabited by five thousand
ascetics of different kinds; and three thousand monks used to
sit at the feet of Abba Or. Rufinus, who visited Egypt about
A.D. 372, says that there were almost as manymonksliving in the
deserts as there were in the towns; Quanti populi habentur in
urbibus, tanta paene habentur in desertis.
3 Sozomen, Azs¢. Eccles., ili. 14.
CXXI1V ; INTRODUCTION.
upright nor lie down at full length in it, but his teaching
was very successful, for in a short time he had a follow-
ing of two or three thousand monks.* Into Syria the
ascetic life was introduced by Aones very early in the
fourth century, and the life led by his followers lacked
nothing of the hardness of that of the monks of Egypt.
They lived on grass and ate neither bread nor meat,
they drank no wine,’ they had neither house nor hut
to dwell in, but lived on the open mountains day and
night praising God. The monk Batthaeus, by long
abstinence from food, had worms generally between
his teeth; Halas did not taste bread until he was seventy
years of age; and Heliodorus passed many nights
without yielding to sleep, and only partook of food one
day in seven.’ From Syria Christian monasticism rapidly
spread to Mesopotamia and Persia, and on the congenial
soil of those countries it grew and throve. Before
A. D. 325 James, Bishop of Nisibis, led the life of an
ascetic, and in A. D. 330 began the fierce persecution
of the Christians by Sapor, wherein monks perished by
thousands. In the reign of this tyrant Mar Mattai, the
founder of the famous Monastery of Mar Mattai on
Gebel Maklib near Mésul, was put to death. These
facts prove that many monasteries existed in the East
even at that early period.
* Necdum tunc monasteria erant in Palaestina, nec quisquam
monachum ante sanctum Hilarionem in Syria noverat: ille
fundator et eruditor hujus conversationis et studii in hac pro-
vincia fuit. Habebat Dominus Jesus in Aegypto senem Antonium,
habebat in Palaestina Hilarionem juniorem. St. Jerome. V7z.
Fiilarion.
2 Sozomen,. /7#s7. Becles..viw 33:
3 Sozomen, fst. Eccles., vi. 34.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CXXV
It seems that the first Christian monastic settlement
in Mesopotamia was made near Nisibis by an ascetic
called Awgin, and from the life’ of this remarkable
man we may glean some interesting facts which help
to fill up gaps in the history of the transplanting of
Christian monasticism and asceticism to Mesopotamia.
Awgin sprang from an Egyptian family who came from
“Clysma an island of the sea” sa AAssX, foo wo, which
seems to have been situated near the modern town
of Suez, and by trade he was a pearl-fisher.? One day
when he was about to dive into the sea a divine mani-
festation appeared to him in the form of a fiery star
which shone like the disk of the sun and ran along
before him on the water, and he understood it to be
a sign of divine protection. When he had followed
his trade for twenty-five years he was able to still
tempests and to save shipwrecked mariners by his
spiritual gifts; he determined, however, to set out for
another place and so made his way to the Monastery
of Pachomius 2494 ‘32 Ses, where he became a baker
of bread. Here he took his place among the brethren
who attended to the table and cooked the food
3x, and astonished them one day by going into the
red-hot furnace #30, whence having knelt down and
prayed he came forth uninjured; when the congregation
knew what had happened all the monks came forth
with the abbot at their head, and were blessed by him.
On this Awgin left the monastery and came to Egypt,
* The Syriac text has recently been published by Bedjan
in the third part of his ¢°an20 joaHe goax (Acta Martyrum et
Sanctorum), Paris, 1892, pp. 376—48o.
2 Yrs ‘Bio fronp vordtoos ko foo; Wmso fx.5 Naso foo asad.
CXXVI1 INTRODUCTION.
where, having been informed by divine agency of his
arrival all the monks came to meet him; having chosen
seventy of these men he set out with them to go to
“the dominion of the city Nisibis, in the country of
Mesopotamia” ¢Nup0 paapsp #XSoxd: pbon Nesp aS. When
they came near Nisibis they crossed the Maskas river
(«~,' 2. &, Maoxés of Xenophon), and “went down and
passed over it at the south of the city, and they found a
bed of reeds #o3,? by the side of the river wherein
they lived for seven days”. While here Awgin worked
a miracle which raised a tumult in the city, and he and
his brethren departed to Mount izla, on the south
of the city, where they found a cavern wherein they
lived for thirty years; his fame spread abroad and |
monks were gathered together to him from Egypt:
and from the “remote islands of the sea’, and their
number amounted to 350 men. The brethren devoted
themselves to good works, and they purchased 300
earthen jars »Sé» which they filled with water each day
and gave to thirsty travellers. Awgin took an import-
ant part in the appointment of Jacob, Bishop of Nisibis,
and he possessed great influence over several wealthy
people in Nisibis whose diseases he had cured. When
he had worked several miracles and had wrought many
cures the governor of the district wrote to the Emperor
Constantine and informed him concerning them, and
how his son had been restored to life having been
* See Hoffmann, Ausziige, p. 171; Wright, Catalogue of
Syr. MSS. in the British Museum, p, 1129. A variant quoted
by Bedjan calls the river xpieg.
? Var. AS AsdsS0 Wh.
3 Compare B. O., iii. ii, p. 864.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CXXVvil
dead. In reply Constantine wrote:—‘There are three
persons in the world whom our Lord hath set as pillars
in the four quarters thereof, who shine with the heavenly
rays of light which have risen upon our manhood, who
enlighten darkened minds, who reject and cast out from
the understandings [of men] opinions of blackness and
all the evil passions which the wicked husbandman
hath sown in them, and they cultivate and cleanse the
fields of their souls, and sow in them the good seed
of the doctrine of Jesus our God; now these three
marvellous men, who are in outward appearance feeble
folk, pursue and abase the hosts of illustrious mighty
men. With these strangers and needy men who make
others rich, with these three combatants @se4j, hath
our empire been long acquainted, |I mean] Antony in
the land of Egypt, Hilarion on the sea-coast,* and
Mar Awgin who hath departed from Egypt and hath
come and dwelt in your quarter of the world which
he enlighteneth, And we pray and entreat him to
pray before our Lord that we and all the dominion of
our empire may be preserved, and in the day when
the mercy of the Sun of Righteousness, Jesus Christ,
riseth uponus, may we be worthy|to receive] with them of
the heavenly kingdom through their prayers to God which
shall have been answered”.? A short time before this
letter was written Jacob, Bishop of Nisibis, began to
build a church for Awgin, and Mar Milos of Jerusalem
contributed three hundred dinars towards the expenses.
For some time before Jacob became Bishop of
Nisibis he had had the desire to go to Mount kardo
™ See supra, Pp. CXXiil.
2 For the Syriac text see Bedjan, of. céZ., p. 425.
CXXVIII INTRODUCTION.
to seek for the ark of Noah, and now he determined
to ask Awgin to go with him thither in quest of it;
Awgin was unable to accompany him, but he foretold
that the search would be successful. Jacob set out on
his journey, and when he arrived at the foot of the
mountain, an angel appeared to him and led him to
the place where the ark was buried, and putting his
hand in the earth he drew forth a plank and gave it to
him, and dismissed him; Jacob returned to Awgin and
showed him the plank,: and from a piece thereof
Awgin made a cross which he placed in his cell, and
which he afterwards buried in his monastery. Jacob
next built a large ‘monastery* #3 on Mount Kardo over
the spot where the ark was buried, and invited Awgin and
his congregation to assist at its consecration. When Julian
the Apostate arrived with his hosts at Nisibis, on the
way to Ctesiphon, Awgin had an interview with Jovianus,
the captain of Julian’s lifeguards, who promised to
help and to protect the Church, and to whom Awgin
prophesied future glory. After the death of Julian,
and the cession of Nisibis and the other fortresses and
provinces to the Persians by Jovianus in 363, Sapor
advanced to occupy Nisibis. On his arrival he at once sent
after Awgin to come to him, and the old man set out
with three disciples to go into the king’s presence;
because he could only walk slowly he sent his disciples
on in advance and while awaiting his arrival Sapor
* Near this monastery was the village f.o\4® whither
Sharezer fled when he had slain his father Sennacherib.
* The Syriac writer here states that Jovianus come from
S6ax 965.5 Or Anbar, to Nisibis to beg Awgin to pray that God
would speedily break the head of the wicked man, z. ¢., Julian.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. i Gott
questioned them concerning the situation of their mon-
astery. When Awgin had gone into the presence Sapor
treated him with great honour, but the Magians and
fire worshippers @;3¢ios' began to dispute with him on
matters of religion. In answer to them Awgin proposed
to the king that a fire should be kindled, and that the
god who answered by the fire should be held to be
the true God, and on this Sapor commanded that a
large fire should be lit and that one of the Magians
should go and stand up in it. The Magians tried to
obey but were not able to approach the fire, whereupon
Awgin commanded one of the brethren to go into the
fire; the monk at once leapt into the flames, but
although the tongues of fire played around him on
all sides during the long time which he stood in it,
he was in nowise injured thereby, neither were his
garments scorched. Then Sapor rejoiced and straight-
way believed in the God of Awgin. Now Sapor had
two sons; one had been slain by the heretic Mani, and
the other was possessed of a devil. When he saw
the power of Awgin he brought him to him, and the
holy man expelled the devil, and urged him until he
confessed that he was the god of the Magians, and
exposed the wickedness of his followers. Sapor then
asked Awgin what he should give him, and the holy
man replied:—“O Lord King, we ask neither gold nor
silver from the realm of thy empire, but we beg that
thou wilt command and that there shall be given to
us little places by the roads and ways, that we may
build upon them convents and monasteries in which
* [. ¢, Pers. 290; see Payne Smith, Zhes., col. 2045, and
Noldeke, Geschichte der Perser, p. 9, note 3.
(x)
CXXX INTRODUCTION.
we may relieve the wants of strangers; and give us
power to go to Béth Laphat and to the country of
the Htzayé and to build monasteries and convents
where we please;” the king at once gave permission
and the monks returned to their monastery with joy.
Sapor again sent for Awgin and gave him the village
of Ase, together with the mill which was attached
thereto, and a warrant bearing the king’s seal empower-
ing him and his monks to build churches and mon-
asteries wheresoever they went. A few days after this
seventy-two brethren gathered together at the foot
of the mountain, and having been blessed by Awgin,
each man holding his cross in his hand set out to
found a monastery in the place whither Divine Grace
should lead him; and these were their names:—Mar
Thomas, Mar Girya, Mar Battala, Mar George, Mar
Kedhala, Mar Dadha, Mar Tabha, Mar Joannes, Mar
Elisha, Mar Serapion, Mar Gregory, Mar Yaho, Mar-
yahbh, Mar Simeon of his pillar, Abha Simeon of Khuzistan,
Mar Olog, Mar Jehosaphat the martyr, Mar Milinés the
martyr, Mar Ola, Mar Joseph Bisnaya, Mar Basnaya,
Mar Daniel, Mar Gabhréna, Mar Isaac, Mar Shazi, Mar
Bar-shemesh, Mar Habbibha, Mar Gila, Moses, Mar
Hadh-bhe-shabba-yamina, Mar Sylvanus, Mar Titus,
Mar Andrew, Mar Ubil bar-Batith, Mar Benjamin, Mar
Shabbi, Mar John" of Apamea, Mar John of Nehal(?),
Mar John of Dailém, Mar John the Arab, Mar George
of Tibam, Mar Stephen, Mar Malka, Mar Isaiah, Mar
Yaréth, Mar Phinehas, Mar Aha,? Mar John the Little,
* One of Awgin’s disciples called John the Egyptian built
a monastery at Gezira; see B. O,, iil. ii. p. 864.
* He built the Monastery of the Bucket 39>)}! ye zd¢d.,
p. 864. For the finding of his remains see zézd. p. 148.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CXXX1
Mar John of Kemila,t Mar Merdla, Mar Mikhai, Mar
Papa, Rabban Salara, Abha Mikha, Mar kKawma, Mar
Kayuma, Mar Abraham, Mar Andrew, Abha Pdéla, Mar
Ukhama, Mar Solomon, Mar Amén, Mar Luke, Mar
Genibha, Mar Babhai the scribe, Sergius Déda, Mar
Shalita,? Mar ‘Abhd-Isho, Mar John bar-Kaldun, Mar
Shain, Mar Abhtn, and Mar Jonah. With these missio-
naries are reckoned Mart Thecla and Stratonice, sisters
of Awgin.
According to the Syriac text Awgin died on the
Smermot Nisan A. Gr.-674=—A. D. 363, but there is
some doubt about the accuracy of this date.
From the above we may see that in the third
quarter of the fourth century the monastic life had
taken deep root in Mesopotamia, and that one mon-
astery alone had sent forth seventy-two missionaries;
from other sources we know that the Monastery of
Mar Mattai on Gebel Maklib near Mosul, and the
Monastery of Risha were also flourishing institutions at
that time, for the founder of the former was martyred
by Sapor, and to the latter a number of refugees fled
for shelter during the reign of Valens} (A. D. 364—378).
In 385 three monks, ‘Abhda, ‘Abhd-Ishé and Yahbh-laha,
built monasteries in Babylonia and Arabia.‘
In the fifth century the increase and spread of the
monastic life was very great,’ and monasteries were
founded in Armenia, Persia and the neighbouring coun-
* He was originally in the employ of Sapor, but became
converted and joined Awgin after the martyrdom of Shahdost
* He built a monastery in Béth Zabhdai.
3 See Vol. ii. Bk. vi. chap. 1. p. 578.
ei; Wis i. p. 860. Speed Sati, ile ip.) 8 73-
CXXXIl1 INTRODUCTION.
tries, and in the districts along the shores of the Persian
Gulf; by the end of this century, however, a certain
amount of laxity had crept into them, and several of
the monks were married men who lived openly with
their wives. Babhai or Babhiyah, by birth a Magian,
the twenty-first Patriarch of the Nestorians, who lived
during the reign of the Emperor Marcianus (A. D.
450—457), married a wife," and in his days flourished
Bar-Sauma, Metropolitan of Nisibis, Magna, the Patriarch
who had been deposed, and Narsai a teacher of Nisibis;
these men embraced the heresy of Nestorius and
proclaimed it far and wide, and they openly allowed
the bishops of their Church to marry the women who
lived in the monasteries. Bar-Sauma married a nun who
lived in his cell with him, and “he shamelessly proclaimed
her to be his legal wife.”* At a Synod held at Seleucia
in 485 the permission for monks and nuns to marry
was promulgated 3 Lous 2S. y cpl ; oles 4g,
‘pg gs Js lal rer” and at another synod held
in 499 it was decreed that “the Catholicus and the
minor priests and monks might marry one wife and
beget children according to the Scriptures” (y>3 ol
33>, al ys \yl es} “9 sy re, dp , agi . 7S dy 395 uy pails!
* B. O.. ii. p. 387, note 1; Budge, Fock of the Beer pane.
2 NSS F>AND0u Woo .o7taSea opos Noo Nal JNS50s0S #200% ASS oS dio
xGS foo) JAB AxWoros oN (Log See Bar-Hebraeus, Chron. Eccles.
li. 63, and compare LI sible dnsl JI Bs zap Logno 529
sug esl, B. O., iii. i. p. 66. col.
8 pee: 23 (OS a Ait p pad 7.008 O 72. 4nd ECorathinne Vii. 9.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CXXXIItI
SS & ea is les), les, and the example of
marrying set be Babhai” sta his friends was followed
by the Patriarchs Shila and Elisha,? and Paul. It is
evident that at the end of the fifth and at the beginning
of the sixth century the lives of many monks and
ascetics had become lax, if not absolutely dissolute;
against the corruption which had entered the monas-
teries the Patriarch Abha, who sat from A. D. 536—552,
set his face firmly, and he refused to marry a wife that
others might follow his example. During his rule also
it was decreed at the Synod held in 544 that no
Patriarch or Bishop should marry.’
For the facts stated in the above portion of this
chapter we have drawn upon works other than that of
Thomas, Bishop of Marga, but at this point the evidence
of the Book of Governors may be introduced with
advantage, for about the period when the Patriarch
Abha ruled the Church, Abraham, the founder of the
Great Monastery on Mount Izla, from which came Jacob,
the founder of Béth “Abhé, was pondering in his mind
how to reform the habits of his ascetic countrymen.
Abraham of Kashkar is said to have been baptized
A. D. 502. He studied at Nisibis under his namesake
Abraham, nephew of Narsai,t after which he went to
Heérta or Hirta and converted some of the natives there.
Later he went to the Scete desert where he took upon
himself the order of the ascetic life, and he learned
there the doctrine and principles of the strict Egyptian
anchorites; he also visited Mount Sinai, and it is pretty
Mecca G., Iilvic i430, "COl.-2,
2 Bar-Hebraeus, Chyvon. Eccles., ti. 82.
Sete, ill. il Ps, O72: t SCOR OlMIneD.Ga7:
CXXXIV INTRODUCTION.
certain that he visited the holy places in Palestine.
After a time he returned to Mesopotamia and established
himselt, like his predecessor Mar Awgin, in a cave on
Mount Izla near Nisibis. Here he became famous for
the sternness of his life, and multitudes of monks flocked
to him; according to Thomas, Bishop of Marga, he
was the inventor, 2. @., introducer, of the corona tonsure.*
By great good fortune a copy of the “Rules” or “Canons”
laid down by Abraham has come down to us, and
as they are important for the study of the constitution
of early Mesopotamian monasteries an English version
of the Syriac text published in Mai, Scrzptorum Veterum,
Nova Collectio, tom. x. p. 290 ff, is here given.
The Canons which were laid down by Mar Abraham the
Great, the head of the ascetics in all Persia.?
CANON I.
First of all a life of tranquillity according to the command
of the Fathers, and according to the word of the Apostle
[Paul] which he spake to the Thessalonians [saying], “I ask
from you, O my brethren, that ye abound more and more, and
that ye study to be quiet, and to be occupied in your own
matters”.3 And again he spake to them [saying], ‘‘We command
and we entreat you by our Lord Jesus Christ that ye labour
in quietness, and eat your bread”.t And again Isaiah said,
“The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the labour of
righteousness quietness”. And again Abba Antony said,
* See Vol. ii. p. 40, note 4. ‘Regnum quod habent Clerici
in Deo, designat Corona in capite”’; see Hospinianus, De
Monachis (De Origine Tonsurae Clericorum), p. 62a.
2 For the Syriac text see Mai, Scriptorum Veterum. Nova Collectio, tom. x.
p. 290ff.
3 Thessalonians iv. II. 4 2 Thessalonians iii. 12.
5 Isaiah xxxii. 17.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CXXXV
“When a fish is taken out of the water it dieth, even so doth
the solitary who is brought outside his cell”.t And again the
holy Mark the solitary said, “If the body be not quiet, the
mind cannot be quiet.” Quietness then is preserved by these
two causes, vzg., constant reading and prayer, or by the labour
of the hands and meditation, according to that which Abba
Isaiah spake and according to what the wise man [Solomon]
spake, ‘Idleness begetteth a multitude of evils’; and again,
“The man who doeth no work is at all times cast into lust”.
Therefore let us be constant in our cells in quietness, and let
us flee from idleness, which is a thing that causeth loss, being
firmly persuaded that if we allowit to remain it will be impossible for
us either to bear leaves or to yield fruit, if indeed it happen
not that we be altogether cut off from the life of the fear of God.
CANON II.
Concerning fasting [we learn] from the words of our Lord,
“When the Son of Man hath been lifted up then shall they fast
in those days”;? and again the Apostle [Paul] said, “In much
fasting”;3 and again “they were fasting and entreating God in
prayer”;+ and again from the Fathers [we learn] that “‘fasting
shall be a helper for us before God”; and again, “let us not be
slack in obedience to fasting”. Concerning the fruits of fasting
and the helps which arise from it we may learn accurately
from Moses, and Elijah, and Daniel and his companions, and
our Saviour and the Apostles, and all the Fathers. Let us
therefore preserve fasting inasmuch as it is the origin® of a
multitude of virtues, and a guide to true life.
t Quemadmodum educti extra aquam pisces emoriuntur; ita accidit
monacho quoque, si diu morabitur extra cellam suam. And again, Quem-
admodum moriuntur pisces in aridam extracti; ita moritur monachus, qui
extra cellam in civitatibus degit. See Migne, Patrologiac, Ser. Graec. tom. 40,
col. 1085.
2 St. Matthew ix. 15. 3 2 Corinthians xi. 27.
4"Acts xiv. 23.
5 Compare Axo jso\ ls fJadoxo .fN35N.0 poo? #004 SrA 007 fas.K10
Chabot, De S. Lsaaci Ninivitae vita, scriptis et doctrina, Paris, 1892, p. 8o.
CXXXV1 INTRODUCTION.
CANON III.
Concerning prayer, and reading, and the recital of the offices
for the day and night [we may learn] from the word of our
Redeemer, for He spake to them a parable that they should
pray at all times, and be not remiss. And again, “Watch and
pray at all times”;* and again “Be watchful and pray that ye
enter not into temptation’.2 And the Apostle [Paul] spake,
“Be ye continual in prayer,3 and be watchful therein, and give
thanks”. And also Mark said, “Prayer is the mother of virtues”.
Concerning reading, when the Apostle wrote to his friend
Timothy‘ he said, “Be zealous in reading, and in praying, and
in doctrine until I come; meditate upon these things, and remain
in them”. And our Lord God said to Joshua, the son of Nun,
“Let not this book of the Law depart from thy mouth, and
meditate therein day and night”.5 And again Moses said to
the people, “It shall be a sign upon thy hand, and a memorial
between thine eyes”.° And from the Fathers [we learn] that
‘without constant reading and entreaty of God, it is not possible
for a fair manner of life to exist in the soul”. And Mark the
holy man said, “Pray to God and He shall open for thee the
eyes of thy understanding, and thou shalt know the profit
which [ariseth] from prayer and reading”.
Concerning the services of the hours of prayer the Psalmist
saith, ‘Seven times in the day have I praised thee because of
thy righteous judgments”,”? and three times® in the day did
I St. Luke xxi. 36. 2 St. Mark xiv. 38.
3 Colossians iv. 2. 4 1 Timothy iv. 13.
5 Joshua i. 8. 6 Exodus xiii. 9.
7 Psalm cxix. 164. The seven times of prayer in a monastery were:—
Ax30, Sx\50, fxwasz0, fsoNd50, ja~SAd0, #35, NSAs; see Mai, Mova Col-
LECTIOSSX. EDF ZOOsECOlme:
8 Daniel vi. 10. Compare “Quinque sunt opera, quorum adjumento Dei
benevolentia conciliatur. Primum, pura oratio; secundum, psalmorum de-
cantatio; tertium, divinorum spiritus oraculorum lectio; quartum, peccatorum
et mortis ac magni judicii cum animi dolore recordatio; quintum, manuum
labor”. Evagrius, in Migne, V/atrologiae, Ser. Graec. tom. 40, col. 1275.
Antony said, “Ante omnia, orationem sine intermissione fundite”; 7zzd., col.
963. See also the 1oth Collation in Cassianus, De Lnstitutis Renuntiantium,
Rome 1588.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CXXXVII
Daniel kneel upon his knees and pray and give thanks and
praise before God.
CANON IV.
Of silence, and of meekness, and of solitude, and of how
a man should not intrude speech when his brethren are talking,
and of how he should speak with a gentle voice and not with
noise and anger.
Concerning silence Jeremiah the prophet said, ‘Blessed is
the man when he shall take thy yoke upon him in his youth,
and shall sit by himself and shall keep silent because he hath
taken thy yoke upon him”.t. And again to Abba Arsenius was
it said in a revelation, ‘‘Arsenius, flee, be silent, and live in
quietness”; and again, “Be silent and count thyself nothing”.
And concerning solitude Jeremiah said, ‘‘O Lord God, the
mighty One, I have not sat in the congregation of the scorners,
but I have feared thy hand, and I have dwelt alone’’.3
And concerning meekness Isaiah said, ‘“To whom shall I look,
and in what shall I dwell if it be not in meekness, and in the
lowly of spirit who trembleth at my word?’ And our Lord
said, ‘‘Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart, and ye
shall find rest for your souls”.5
And that a man should not interrupt the speech of his
brethren [we may learn] from the wise man [who said], ‘Speak
not in the midst of narratives’’;® “silence is the fruit of wis-
dom”;7 and “the that speaketh much himself indicateth his lack
of knowledge”.
And that a man should speak in a gentle voice and not
with noise and anger [we may learn] from the Apostle:—‘“‘Let
all bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamour, and blasphemy
t Lamentations iii. 27.
2 GS JoS2 NoS we {Noda35 jAsoas loo? wcjoN.l 22 007 35 SON 0070
you pSo wSx0 wbodxo .HOAS .fb5) oS Shot ao We Sod saxo tSsaS
¥ xsd ghia D> oop {ts Sa Palladius, Sayings of the Fathers, No. 2.
3 Jeremiah xv. 17. 4 Isaiah Ixvi. 2.
5 St. Matthew xi. 209. 6 Ecclesiasticus xi. 8.
7 Ecclesiasticus xx. 5.
(s)
CXXXVIII INTRODUCTION.
be removed from you,' and let no hateful word go forth from
your mouth”; and again, “Cease from wrath and let go displeasure”.”
Let us then be careful to fulfil these things with all our
might, for divine helps are hidden within them, and without
them we are not able to please God.
CANON V.
During the forty days’ fast a brother shall not go outside
his cell without necessity, or without the permission of the
community.
CANON VI.
A brother shall have no power to go round about among
the monasteries, or in the towns or villages, unless it be on
account of sickness, or by the permission of the community;
he shall not, moreover, visit among the houses or eat with
believers. And to speak briefly, no man shall have the power
to leave his cell and to go forth to any place without the
permission of the head of his monastery.3
CANON VII.
That no man shall murmur against his brother or slander
him before his brethren or before any person whomsoever [we
may learn] from the Psalmist [who said], “I have hated him
that slandered his neighbour in secret”;* and again, “Thou didst
sit and meditate [wrong] against thy brother”;5 and also from
the Apostle [who said], “Murmur ye not as certain of them
have murmured”.° Let us then be watchful against slander, that
we become not participators with the Evil One.
t Ephesians iv. 31. 2 Psalm xxxvii. 8.
3 Compare the words of Serapion, ‘‘Volumus ergo unum praeesse seniorem
super omnes fratres, nec ab ejus consilio vel imperio quemquam sinistrum
declinare, sed sicut imperio Domini cum omni laetitia obedire”. See Migne,
Patrologiae, Ser. Graeca, tom. 34, col. 971.
4.Esalm) cuass 5 Psalm 1, 20.
© 1 Corinthians x. 10.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. .CXXXiX
CANON VIII.
On the first day of the week when the brethren are gathered
together, whosoever shall come first to the church shall take
the Holy Book and shall sit in the place which is set apart,
and shall meditate upon it until all his brethren arrive, so that
when each of them cometh his mind may be laid hold upon
by the hearing of the reading, and they turn not aside to
speech upon matters which are alien [to the day], or to narra-
tives and rumours of battles and wars, or to conversation upon
worldly matters, or to vain stories which do harm to the soul,
or to that which is foreign to this life of excellence.
CANON IX.
Fasting shall not be abrogated except for causes such as
these:—sickness of the body, the arrival of strangers, a long
journey, or hard manual labour which lasteth the whole day.
Let that brother, of whom it is known that he breaketh and
maketh of none effect this holy boundary of fasting by reason
of his slack and negligent manner of life, and for none of the
above causes, know that he is an alien to our congregatien.
CANON X.
When brethren come and they are accepted, let them be
tried three years in the monastery, and then, if they have borne
themselves in a befitting manner, the brethren shall give them
permission to build cells for themselves, or according to what
the strength of the community sufficeth, let them help them
as is customary. If there be empty cells let them be given to
them. If on the other hand, they have not borne themselves
in a seemly manner let them be dismissed and go their way
in peace.
CANON XI.
If any man perceiveth that his brother despiseth [any] one
of these things which are spoken above or below, let him not
report the matter among his brethren and trouble them, or to
the head of the monastery to vex him, for a troublesome
word troubleth the heart of a man, but let him call him, and
cxl INTRODUCTION.
speak to him privately according to the word of our Redeemer,
“Rebuke him between thee and him only”.t And if he [mendeth]
not, rebuke him before two or three, and if he mendeth not
then, let him be admonished before the whole community; and
if he receiveth not correction before the whole community, let
him know that he is an alien to our congregation.
Rabban Abraham lived until the rule of the Patriarch
Sabhr-Ishé', who sat from 596—604, but at that time
he is described as being an “old man”; the exact date
of his death is unknown.’ He was succeeded in the
Abbotship of the Great Monastery by Dadh-lshé, a man
famous as being the author of several works on the
ascetic life;s he was formerly a monk in the Monastery
of Risha in Marga,* and he was the first disciple of
Abraham. Like his master he drew up a set of “Rules”
or “Canons”, from which we may see what important
restrictions were introduced into the monastic life by
him. Under his direction a monk was bound to accept
the doctrines of Diodorus, Theodore of Mopsuestia,
and Nestorius,? and any one who held views different
from them or from those of their followers, or who
was attached to the “error of the heresy of those falsely
1 St. Matthew xvili. 15.
2 For writers of the life of Abraham see Vol. ii. p. 38.
SESE AV OL alle) 94 2 sanOLemet: 42 ee Vol ite pada
5 For the Syriac text see Mai, (ova Collectio, tom. x.
p. 393 ff.
° On the history of Nestorianism the following works give
abundant information:—Assemani, &. O., ili. ii; Badger, Zhe
Nestorians and their Rituals, 2 vols., London, 1844; Stroza,
De Dogmatibus Chaldaeorum, Rome, 1617; Doucin, estozre
du Nestorianisme, Paris, 1698; Fleury, Hestocre Ecclesiastique,
Paris 1722—1738; Etheridge, Zhe Syrian Churches; thetr early
history, liturgies and literature, London, 1846; Smith and Wace,
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. cxli
called ‘Mésalléyané’”, or who did not curse and abominate
it, was obliged to leave the congregation. The man
who in any way disturbed the peace of the community,
or who revealed the business of the monastery to
outsiders, or who was disobedient, or who struck one
of the brethren was to be expelled, and no boy or
brother who could not read was to be received into
the congregation. The coenobites were not to interfere
in any way with those monks who lived in cells,’ and
they were not to change the times of service without
the consent of the steward %5 33, who, however, could
only act by the command of the Abbot. The monk
Dictionary of Christian Biography, vol. iv. p. 28 ff.; and Khayyath
(G. E.), Syrz Orientales, seu Chaldaei Nestoriani et Romanorum
Pontificum Primatus, Rome, 1870. An interesting and good
account of the origin of Nestorianism, and of the founding of
the Nestorian Church, and of the various American, English
and other missions to the Nestorians, is given by D’Avril in
his La Chaldée Chrétienne, Paris, 1892. This little book
should, however, be read in conjunction with Perkins’ Azg/¢
Years Residence in Persia, and with Canon Maclean’s recent
account of the work done in Urmia by the missionaries sent
out to that district under the auspices of the Archbishop of
Canterbury. *
* [. e KehdWto1 or Anchorites, ‘qui cum sunt ad labores
ineptissimi, et oneribus Monasterii impares, quiete tamen vivere
exoptent; extra Monasteria, quae muris undique cinguntur, cellam
collata pecunia cui Templum, vinea, et campus annexa sunt,
quorum fructibus vivere possunt, coémunt, ibique cum nonnullis
sociis vivunt; cum dies festus agitur, ad Monasterium procedunt,
et Officiis celebrandis assistunt; quibus finitis, ad cellam regre-
diuntur, et domestica negotia obeunt, et cum libuerit, precibus
operam dant”. Du Cange, Glossarzum, coll. 630, 631.
* Maclean and Browne, Zhe Catholicos of the East and his People; being
the impression of five years work in the Archbishop of Canterbury’s Assyrian Mis-
ston: an account of the Nestorians, etc., London, 1892. 8v°.
exlit INTRODUCTION.
who neglected vigils was not allowed to communicate,
and no monk was allowed to do work on Sundays, or
on festivals or on the eves of vigils lest his fatigue
should cause him to be careless during the services;
any brother found guilty of neglecting service in the
church became a “stranger to the congregation”. A
brother might only be absent through illness or through
fatigue caused by travelling, or by the special permission
of the Abbot. The habit of leaving the monastery to
visit even among believers was discouraged,’ and any
monk who did so more than three times was not re-
ceived into the congregation again. It is a remarkable
fact that at this period no regulations concerning the
dress? or food’ of monks seem to have been laid down,
and it is very doubtful if the opinions of Antony? and
Evagrius® concerning women were fully endorsed in
any Mesopotamian monastery in the middle of the sixth
century. But whatever may have been the strictness
of the life led by monks on Mount Izla, it is quite
* On the effect upon a monk of the sight of men and
worldly conversation see Chabot, /saace Nentvitae, pp. 90, 91.
*In his Capita Practica, Evagrius explains the symbolism
of the monastic dress: thus the girdle ZWwvn, indicated the sign
of restraint; the staff pdBdocs, indicated the staff of life; the
sheepskin undwtn, indicated the constant bearing of the mortt-
fication of Jesus in the body; the covering of the head xouxovhiov,
indicated the grace of God, and the naked hands indicated the
absence of hypocrisy.
3 It seems doubtful if they strictly obeyed Antony’s dictum,
“Carnes ne comedas omnino”.
4 Mulierem ad te accedere ne permittas, nec habitaculum
tuum ingredi patiaris; quoniam post illam ira graditur.
5 Tuvi, Eotiv ampoovvn AoyiKkag wuyasg Emi .dkabapoiav
TPOOKAAOUMEVN.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. CxXIlii
certain that its rigour was much increased under the
rule of Babhai the third Abbot of the Great Monastery.
This man was born at Béth‘Ainatha in Béth Zabhdai
about the middle of the sixth century; he became a dis-
ciple of Mar Abraham, and on the death of Ishé-dadh
succeeded to the rule of the monastery." He was a
prolific writer upon ecclesiastical matters, and some
eighty-four works* were composed by him; he was a
wise and learned man, but slightly hasty in speech and
harsh in command. His fame as an ascetic and reformer
was quickly noised.abroad, and his zeal in the cause
of his faith was so great that it drew forth a letter of
commendation from Ishé-yahbh of Adiabene while he
was Bishop of Mosul,° and he is specially mentioned by
moce Vol, ii. p. 47.
* In the work of Moses bar-Kepha on the Soul (see Braun,
Moses bar-Kepha, Freiburg, 1891, p. 135) is a quotation from
the Commentary on the Centuries of Evagrius; Moses bar-
Kepha was born A. D. 815, was made Bishop of Mésul in 863,
and died 903.
3 See &. O., iii. i. 94 ff; Assemani, Catal. Vat. iii. p. 367 ff.
Pesce VOL ii. p.. 47.
5 The text of this letter reads:—
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cxliv INTRODUCTION.
the ecclesiastical writer whose work has been made
known to us by Guidi. About the year 594 or 595
Elijah, a monk in the Great Monastery, discovered that
certain of the monks in the “outer cells’ were living
with their wives and families, and having summoned
the congregation he exposed them and their manner
of life, and they were at once expelled and _ their
habitations burnt with fire? There is no evidence to
show that these men who married wives formed an
exception to the rule of celibates, but it seems rather that
they were a survival of that class of married monks
which was fast dying out under the rule of reformers
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* Nuovo Testo Syriaco. p. 19. aroee Volta p51
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. cxlv
like Babhai. After the expulsion of the married men
the zealous Elijah accused Jacob, a fellow monk, of
being cognizant of the existence of women in the mon-
astery, because his cell was situated not far from
their dwellings, and the tumult raised against him was
so great that he was obliged to leave the monastery
with the accusations and denunciations and curses of
Babhai ringing in his ears. Jacob went to Mount
Kardé, but at the advice of a holy woman* he returned
to the Great Monastery, where he stayed for a short
time; the relations between Babhai and himself were,
however, so strained’ that he departed to Marga, and
founded (or refounded) the Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé.
The expulsion of Jacob caused a revolt’ among the
monks in the Great Monastery, and in consequence of
it several of them left and went to live in Marga,
Béth Zabhdai, Dasen, efe. When Khusrau refused
to allow a Patriarch to be appointed, and the Church
was without a head, Babhai was appointed inspector
of monasteries by the Archbishops of Béth Garmai,
Adiabene and Nisibis, with the special object of rooting
out from them all men tainted with the heresy of the
Mésalléyané; he performed this work with such zeal
and success, and ruled the Church with such skill during
this difficult period, that on the death of Khusrau in
628 he would certainly have been elected Patriarch
had he not declined to accept this dignity. When
IshO-yahbh Il. was appointed Catholicus iri 628 Babhai
returned to his cell in the Great Monastery; the exact
mece Vol. i. p. 76. Ze SEG Oleilee Ds 7 7.
3 For the attack on Babhai by Gabriel the Dancer, see
Vol. ii. p. 246.
(t)
exlvi INTRODUCTION.
date of his death is unknown, but it seems to have
taken place about 630.*
* The following is the text of an interesting letter written
to the monks of the Great Monastery on the death of Babhai
by Ishdé'-yahbh, Bishop of Mosul.
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MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. cxlvii
In the early part of this chapter the main facts
relating to the introduction of Christian monasticism in
Mesopotamia, and to its growth in that country until
the death of Babhai the Abbot of the Great Monastery
about 630, have been given; as Thomas, Bishop of
Marga, is our best and only great authority upon the
subject from that period until the middle of the ninth
century, the reader is referred to the translation of his
work in the second volume, and it only remains for
us to indicate briefly the manner of a monk's life at
Béth ‘ Abhé.
In Syriac the common residence of monks was called
13nd, fB%0S, fAdee, and 3688 (koivdfiov), and the inhabitants
thereof bore the names #5«3, #S%es, 463s, and #4 “brethren”.
Solitaries were ##3., dwellers in deserts were #3525,
recluses were #5, weepers were si, anchorites were
008, and pillar-saints were #3062 The habitations
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exI vill INTRODUCTION.
of solitaries were called #85, and Dadh-Ishé’ distinguishes
between %Se> %2 “brethren in cells’, and psoses> #2
“brethren in the coenobium”. Each man was obliged
to work for three years in the service of the monas-
tery, and after that time he might, by the permission
of the Abbot, go and live in a cell by himself; such
a man was called #503, or ‘coenobite’, and was for
any offence committed rebuked by the 45 38 or
“steward”. [he senior members of a monastery were
named # “grey old men’, and the abbot’s titles were
{Rad 05, JBwos od, 455, 53, 2); the @Ssx or “director” had
considerable influence in the monastery. The monk
in the monastery wore a tunic 4, a girdle #99, a
cloak #4, a covering for the head %e9, sandals fee,
and a cross #y; in his hand he carried a staff s*.
On the tonsure of monks see Assemani, &. O., Ill. IL.
p. 896. Originally the monk was supposed to pray
seven times a day, but gradually the habit of praying
four times only became common; the solitary brethren
usually prayed always. In summer the monk worked
from dawn until the day became hot, and from that
time to the sixth hour he read and meditated; from
the sixth to the ninth hour he ate and rested, and
from the ninth hour until evening he worked. In winter
he read from dawn to the third hour, from the third
to the sixth hour he worked, from the sixth to the
ninth hour he rested, and from the ninth to the twelfth
hour he worked.* Sundays, Festivals and eves of vigils
were general holidays. As the coenobites might leave
the monastery by the permission of the Abbot it is
* For the Syriac text see Mai,. Scriptorum Veterum, Nova
Collectio, p. 290, col. 1.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. cxlix
possible that they sometimes visited their friends and
relations,’ but such visits must have been few and far
between. The work of the coenobites consisted of
cooking food and serving it in the refectory, of plough-
ing and sowing the monastery fields, of reaping the
harvest, of tying up the vines and of gathering grapes
and olives, of waiting upon strangers, eéc.; it is probable
that these duties were taken by bodies of monks in
turn. In the church, to which every one was bound
to go on Sundays, Festivals and eves of vigils, the #3
or “reader” performed duties connected with the service of
the altar; the #easea 7, ¢, tmodidKovoc, attended to the
keeping of the church; the #* or “minister” took part
‘in the celebration of the Eucharist; the #5 read the
service; the ,6s+2051 or archdeacon presided over the
arrangement of the service in the church, and was
bound to be present at the ordinations of priests, con-
secration of churches, e¢c., the #osesi z. ¢, énioxotos
consecrated churches, and ordained priests and deacons;
above him in rank was the -Sese4%% or Metropolitan;
and at the head of all the Nestorian Church was the
Patriarch or Catholicus.’
The life of a solitary dweller in a cell must have
been one of great difficulty, for he had not only to
combat the foes of his spiritual life, but he was some-
* Compare Antony’s rule, “Consanguineos tuos ne revisas,
nec te conspiciendum ab illis sinas, nec adeas illos.”
* The head of the Nestorian Church at Seleucia and Ctesi-
- phon was originally consecrated at Antioch, and he was called
“Bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon”; next “Archbishop of Seleucia
and Ctesiphon”; next the “Great Metropolitan”, and finally the
“Great Catholicus, Metropolitan of Seleucia and Ctesiphon’;
the title “Patriarch” was also given to him.
cl INTRODUCTION.
times in danger of suffering bodily harm at the hands
of robbers; John of Hadhatta was carried away from
his cell to be a captive in the hand of Dailom or
Délim.*’ Whatever may have been done in the coeno-
bium of Béth ‘Abhé it is quite certain that the dwel-
lers in cells round about that house reproduced as far
as the climate would admit, the austerities of the
ascetics of Scete. Antony used to say, “The cell ofa
solitary is the fiery furnace of Babylon where the three
children found the son of God, and it is the pillar of
fire wherein God spake with Moses’;? the cell of
Cyriacus was also filled with fire, and the Book of
Governors is full of allusions to the protection which
a monk’s cell affords to him.« Abba Macarius “told
the brethren in Scete to flee as soon as the service
in the church was ended, and one of the elders said,
‘Father, what place have we to flee to except this
wilderness? Macarius said, ‘Flee in this wise, and
* Once when thieves came to rob his cell Macarius not
only helped them to do it, but rendered them assistance in
bearing away their plunder; another father, when thieves had
broken into his cell, begged them to be quick about their work
before the brethren should arrive to help him. When thieves
came into the cell of another father he said to the brethren,
“Tet them do their work, and let us do ours”. On another
occasion a father brought to some robbers in his cell a basin
and entreated them to wash their feet; they were so ashamed
by his kindness that they retreated.
2 GAS gaSno font Asp og Bod? farmer oA? .Biol woasolsi 52
x Sve proto os dojo font .fs8> fposaso .onaxl for\f> fa
3 See Vol. ii. p. 456.
+ Compare “quando in cella sua est, cum Deo loquitur;
eerediens autem de cella, cum daemonibus est”. Rosweyde,
Vitae Patrum, p. 661. col. 1. No. 33.
MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. cli
laying his hand upon his mouth he went to his cell
and shut the door and sat there;’* with this compare
Babhai's speech, Vol. ii. p. 98. A monk should guard
himself carefully from sin, for although God beareth
with the sins of worldly people He will not endure sin
in monks.” Absolute peace and quietness were necessary
for a monk, for “once when Abba Arsenius went to
visit the brethren in a certain place, the wind whistled
through the reeds which grew there, and he said,
‘What is this noise? and they said, ‘It is the reeds
shaken by the wind’. And he said to them ‘Verily,
I say to you, if a man dwelling in solitude heareth
only the chirp of a sparrow, his heart cannot find that
solitude which it requireth; how much less then can ye
who have all this noise of these reeds’”?3
The strict ascetic slept very little, but the fathers
were not agreed about the amount of sleep necessary
for a man. Of Arsenius it is said that on Saturday
evenings he used to turn his back upon the sun setting
in the west behind him, and stretching out his hands
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clii
INTRODUCTION.
heavenward he prayed until the sun rose in front of
him, when he refreshed his eyes with a little sleep;*
on the ordinary nights of the week he slept standing.
He himself used to say that one hour’s sleep was suf-
ficient for a healthy monk.’ Because the devils came
to Pachomius in the night time’ he entreated God to
enable him to do without sleep by day and by night,
and this gift was granted to him for a certain time,* and
because his heart was pure he used to see the invisible
God as in a mirror; for fifteen years Pachomius and
his syncellus John slept sitting in the middle of their
cell and they never supported themselves against the
wall. Sisoes to overcome sleep at night placed himself
upon the jutting crag of a rock, but an angel removed
him from this dangerous position, and commanded him
not to do this again, and not to transmit this tradition
to any one else.
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3 Some very curious information about the temptations of
monks in the night time is given in Cassianus, De Juséétutis
Renuntianttum, Collation xxii (De Nocturnis Illusionibus).
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MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. Clili
Food and drink should be taken sparingly by a
monk, for Abba John said, “If a king wisheth to subdue
a hostile city he first of all cuts off the bread and water
therefrom, and thus the foe is tortured by famine and
submits to him; so also is it with the hostile passions
of the body, for if a man leadeth a life of fasting and
hunger his enemies are starved out of the soul.”* And
Abba Daniel said, “In proportion as the body waxeth
the soul waneth; and as the body languisheth the soul
waxeth.”* Abba Isaac, the priest of the Cells, used to
mix the ashes from the censer before the altar with
his bread and eat it,3 and a certain old man denied
himself a draught of water for forty days; whenever
he became hot he used to wash a potter’s vessel, and
fill it with water and hang it up before him. The
brethren asked him, “Why and for what cause doest thou
thus?” He said, “That I may labour the more, and receive
the |greater| reward from God.”* A monk who laughed
while he was eating was rebuked by one of the fathers
who told him to remember that he was eating by the
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(u)
cliv INTRODUCTION.
grace of God. Pambo never laughed or smiled, except
once when the devils who teazed him dragged along a
piece of wood to which they attached wings."
The power of weeping while praying was greatly
coveted by monks, and the fathers speak often of its
salutary influence. Abba Poemen said that a solitary
should always weep for his sins with such earnestness
that all the singers and music in the world could not
make him desist;*? Abbot Isidore wept for his sins and
said that if he were permitted to see them all, three or
four men could not weep with him sufficiently;3 a certain
old man described tears as the “land of promise’;* Abba
Poemen accounted Arsenius blessed because he had
wept for himself in this world, and added, “He who
weepeth not in this world, shall weep for ever in the
next;”5 and Macarius explained the words, “Flee from
mankind ty a man dwelling in a alt and Weenie
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MONASTICISM AND ASCETICISM IN MESOPOTAMIA. clv.
for his sins. A monk was enjoined to read holy books
diligently, “for the devils fear every time he readeth”,’
but he was bound to pray always, whether eating or
drinking or journeying or working.
The use of wine was eschewed entirely by strict
ascetics: Poemen said that “it was not in the nature
of monks”, and a certain old man when a cup of wine
was offered to him refused it, saying, “Take from me
this death.” *
The entrance of a woman into an ascetic’s cell was
strictly prohibited, and Abraham and Sisoes fled to the
desert because in every other place there was a woman;°
when Mark’s mother came to see him he went oyt’ by
the Abbot’s orders to her, but he kept his eyes closed
the whole time she was with him, and when a certain
brother wished to carry his mother across a stream
he first of all wrapped his hands in his turban cloth
lest he should touch her body with them.® “A certain
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clvi INTRODUCTION.
old man dwelt in a cell, and his desire said to him,
‘Go, take to thyself a wife’: and he straightway rose
up and fashioned a figure out of clay, and made it in
the likeness of a woman, and he said to himself, ‘Behold
thy wife; thou must now labour with all thy might to
feed her’? And he toiled greatly at weaving mats,
and after a few days, he rose up and fashioned the
likeness of a daughter, and said to his desire, ‘Behold
thy wife hath brought forth, it is now necessary that
thou shouldst labour the more that thou mayest keep
alive thy wife and daughter, and that they may be
clothed” And having done this he wearied his body,
and said to his desire, ‘1 am unable to bear this toil,
and if I cannot endure labour a wife is not necessary
for me; and God saw his work and removed from
him his desire, and he had rest.’?
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RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY. clvil
RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY.
Rabban Hormizd* was born at Béth Laphat,? 4458 »3,
which is Shiraz, s&s, in the country of the Huzayé dao
and he flourished probably in the last half of the sixth
or in the first half of the seventh century of our era.
His parents were wealthy Christians, and were famous
for almsgiving; his father was called Joseph and _ his
mother Thecla %+5. At the age of twelve he was
sent to school, at eighteen he could repeat by heart
the Psalms and the New Testament, and at twenty he
wished to become a monk. He determined to go to
Jerusalem to visit the holy places there and afterwards
to retire to the Scete desert to live with the ascetic
fathers there. He set out on his journey, but thirty-seven
days later he was stopped by supernatural agency at
Mosul. In this town he tarried in a church called Béth
Hale,3 where he found three ascetics who belonged to
the Monastery of Rabban bar-Idta;* their names were
* The following facts are taken from a life of Rabban
Hormizd by Simon, the disciple of Mar Yézadhak, which I had
copied from a manuscript in his monastery at Alkdosh in 1892;
the title reads wcoSSs> JASN Wd feexlo Sore ee as Ss
Jousss {Nottary> fad wnoos rasodoc; 352 Jos ucfodsos0 LaS2
Heptod S odasS o7doSy atid}. dio fad> owoSn yossax wato 5 foto drouS
For the translation of an account of this saint by “Ammantel,
Bishop of Béth Garmai (died A. D. 1080), see Hoffmann,
Ausziige, p. 19f.
2 See Hoffmann, Ausziige, p. 41, note 351.
3 See Vol. ii. p. 102, note 7.
4 The founder of this monastery was a contemporary of
Babhai of Izl4 and Jacob of Béth ‘ Abhé.
clvili INTRODUCTION.
Abba Jacob of Kephar Zamra,* #54 449 yw sets. #52, John
of Shamrah #ésex g.o., and Hénan-Ishé of Adiabene,
tard. sox On the advice of these men he decided
to become a monk in their monastery. Shortly after
he set out with them, and on arriving there he was
gladly received by Rabban Mar Sabhr-Ishé, the head
of that monastery, and by the whole assembly of monks,
who were two hundred and sixty-four in number. After
he had performed the work set apart for novices for
a few months, he was brought before the 4%8 (koyxn)
after the celebration of the Mysteries, and he received
the tonsure at the hands of Mar Sabhr-Ishé. About
this time devils and fiends appeared to him and tried
to interrupt his prayers;? his manner of life was, how-
ever, so pleasing to God that He enabled him to raise
a dead boy to life. He was once sent to buy oil for
use in the choir, but finding twenty-seven men detained
in prison for non-payment of taxes he paid their debts
with the money intended for the purchase of the oil,
and took back to the monastery oil which he had
produced from water.
While Rabban Hormizd was still serving in the
monastery Sylvanus, Bishop of Kardé, came to the
monastery on business, and discovered the virtues of
* Perhaps the same as 5jso%9 Ada, 5 533, a town on the
Tigris near Mosul. See Payne Smith, Zzes., col. 1800.
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RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY. clix
the young ascetic. After talking with him upon spiri-
tual mysteries Sylvanus persuaded him that having now
worked in the monastery for seven years he had served
long enough, and Hormizd straightway prepared a
separate cell for himself, and began to lead a very
strict life. He fasted for ten days at a time and never
lay down to sleep at nights, but prayed with tears
the whole day and night and watched vigilantly; when
he could not help sleeping a little he leaned against
one of the walls of his cell, and so snatched a little
sleep just sufficient for his most pressing bodily needs.
As his body became emaciated and refined under this
treatment, his spiritual vision became more acute and
piercing, and he was able to understand “things near
and far off.”
~When Rabban Hormizd had lived in the Monastery
of Bar-Idta for thirty-nine years an angel appeared to
him in his cell, which became seven times brighter than
the sun, and emitted a sweet scent. Near at hand
there dwelt a pious monk called Abraham who had
lived for thirteen years in the Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé;
to him Rabban Hormizd imparted his decision of leaving
the Monastery of Bar-Idta, and asked him to go
with him. Abraham agreed to go with him on the con-
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clx INTRODUCTION.
dition that he should serve him all his days.* After
making this agreement Hormizd and Abraham tarried
there other three months, and at the end of this period
they had induced Rabban Mar Yozadhak, John the
Persian, Ishé-sabhran, Abba Adona (#424), and Rabban
Simon, the disciple of Yézadhak to leave the monas-
tery and to depart with them by night to that of Abba
Abraham of Risha.? Here they all lived in peace for
six or seven years, being supported by the believers
who lived in the country of Marga. They healed the
sick and worked wonderful cures; the blind had their
eyesight restored to them, and a man bitten by a mad
dog in the village of Marga (448 ¢\50) was made
whole. Finally the great spring near the monastery
dried up, and Yozadhak, Adona and Simon departed
to Mount Kardé, and Abraham and Hormizd to Béth
‘Edhrai; but Ishé-sabhran and John the Persian tarried
there, as the supply of water sufficed for two men. In
the mountain of Béth“Edhrai Hormizd found a rivulet
of water, and there he took up his abode with Abra-
ham of Béth ‘Abhé; after three days, however, Abra-
ham departed by the divine command to Nineveh,
where he founded a monastery. When Hormizd had
lived at Béth “Edhrai3 near Alkésh for a short time,
the inhabitants of the district came and offered to build
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* This monastery was situated in Marga.
3 See Hoffmann, Ausziige, p. 197.
RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY. clxi
him a monastery. Now the town of Arsham > and
the Monastery of Bezkin were near Béth ‘Edhrai, and
the people and monks thereof were Jacobites. The
governor of Moédsul expelled the Jacobites from the
district where Hormizd lived, and people from the
country of Hlazér went and dwelt there. About this
time ‘Abhd-ishé, Bishop of Béth Nthdeéran, went with
Hormizd to Arsham and consecrated a Nestorian church
there. The mighty cures which Hormizd wrought
provoked the jealousy of the monks of Bezkin, and ten
“of them came one night and beat him severely and
left him for dead. Certain of these monks committed
fornication with a woman’ who gave birth to a son,
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clxii INTRODUCTION.
and they brought her to Hormizd’s cave and cast her
down with her child upon the ground in a dying state;
they then went and reported to the governor of Mosul
that Hormizd had defiled and slain her. When the
governor arrived the woman was dead, but her child
was living. Hormizd by his prayers* caused her to speak
and say who had murdered her, and the child, who
was only nine months old, was made miraculously to
declare who was his father.? At this time the son of
the Arab governor of Mosul who was sick unto death
was healed by Hormizd, whereupon the monks of Bezkin
joined with those of the Monastery of Mar Mattai’ on
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3 This monastery is about four hours’ ride from Mésul; it
was founded by Mar Matthew a disciple of Mar Awgin, and is
usually called dS ose wav vase ~fass See B. O., ii. p. Xcix;
and Hoffmann, Awsziige, p. 175. The Persian sage Aphraates
was at one time its Abbot, and it is famous as the burial place
4
RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY. clxili
Gebel Makltib in making an attempt to slay him. On
account of this an reel destroyed the Monastery of
Bezkin. The fame of Hormizd increased greatly, and
fifty of the disciples of Mar Ith-Allaha joined themselves
to him and built a church, and the natives of the
country round about gave money to build a monastery.
Among the contributors were Khdodhahwai' of Béth
Kopha, “a village in the country of Nineveh’, who sent
seven talents of silver, and ‘Ukba, the governor of
Mosul, who sent three talents of silver by the hands
of his son w»* Shaibin, who had been cured of his
sickness by Hormizd. The building of the monastery
was completed in twenty months, and both it and the
temple were consecrated by the Catholicus Tomarsa? II
(45% fd00N), By this dignitary the new monastery was
placed under the direct jurisdiction of the Nestorian
Patriarch, and no Metropolitan or Bishop was to have
any power over it.
During the building of the monastery Hormizd
received a revelation to go to the Monastery of Mar
Mattai on Gebel Maklib and to dig up the idol? which
was buried there in the grave of Mar Mattai. He set
out early one morning and arrived there at sunset,
and he succeeded in persuading the porter to allow
him to enter, and to take him. to the grave of the
saint. When the eet had left him ae the night
¥ Pee ebeicus, mire grave , EE, fly the staid wail in the
north-east corner of the church. For descriptions of the mona-
stery and its position see Rich, Marrative of a Residence,
vol. ii. p. 98; and Badger, Zhe Westortans, Vol. i. p. 97.
T json Dat wo wOx AS woofpes, OF fadob uwtox AD wom {205
* On this name see Hoffmann, Ausziige, p. 21, note 159.
3 See Hoffmann, Ausziige, p. 21, note 157.
clxiv INTRODUCTION.
Hormizd prayed to God and He sent His angel to
help him, and to open the grave, and to take out
“from the deepest depth of the tomb” a little brass
idol with eyes of blue beryl, and he gave it to the
holy man, saying, “Seest thou this little absurd and
despicable idol? In it is the error of the sons of this
monastery.” The angel then went on to explain to
Hormizd that after the faith of the people of that
country had been perverted by Cyril, Marcion the
sorcerer persuaded them to place idols such as these
in their temples and monasteries, and that Cyril, “the
priest of demons and deacon of devils’, was the first
to introduce this practice, which he had learnt from
an Egyptian sorceress called Kaki* When Hormizd
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RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY. clxv
had taken the little idol, the angel of God lifted him
up and set him straightway in his cell. Next day he
showed the idol to the one hundred and eleven monks
who formed his congregation, and they rejoiced greatly,
but the devil who dwelt in it began to complain of
being made a sport and a laughing-stock for the people
who had hitherto honoured him. After the consecration
of the monastery a number of Jacobites and others’
banded themselves to kill Hormizd, but while they were
crossing’* the Tigris the boat in which they were sitting
stopped in mid-stream, and finally capsized and
drowned all in it, except Pithion the owner who was
a Nestorian.
Hormizd continued to dispute with the Jacobites,
and one day he prayed to God to enable him to go
into the Monastery of Mar Mattai and to destroy all
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clxvi INTRODUCTION.
the books in the library there; as soon as his prayer
was ended an angel lifted him up and set him down
straightway at its door. The divine power next un-
bolted for him the carefully closed doors, and led him
from chamber to chamber until he brought him to the
door of the library, which he opened for him and bade
him enter therein. Hormizd turned hither and thither,
and prayed to God to enable him to invent some
means by which he might destroy the books of error,
and straightway there bubbled up in the room’ where
he stood “a small rivulet of thick, evil-smelling water”,
in which he soaked all the books until they were
destroyed. When this had been done the rivulet dried
up, and the angel who had guided him into the mon-
astery set him outside the door, and he departed to
his convent. The fame of Hormizd increased greatly,
and he secured the respect and protection of ‘Ali,
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RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY. clxvil
the new governor of Mosul, by healing his son of a
sickness.
Hormizd died in his own monastery aged eighty-
seven years. He had lived in the world twenty years,
in the Monastery of Rabban Bar-Idta thirty-nine years,
in the Monastery of Risha six years, and in his own
monastery twenty-two years.
The Monastery of Rabban Hormizd is situated
twenty-eight or thirty miles to the north of Médsul, and
about a mile from the little Chaldean town of Alkdsh,
which is famous as the birthplace of Nahum the Prophet.
It is built about half way up the range of mountains
which bounds the fertile plain of Mésul on the north,
and stands in a sort of amphitheatre, which 1s approached
by a rocky path that leads through a narrow deflle.
The path has been made and paved by many generations
of monks, who must have devoted an enormous amount
of labour in bringing and placing the stones which pave
it in their places. The view of the church is very
imposing. Its building is of a dusky red colour and is
supported upon an enormous rock into which solid
masonry has been built. The situation of the church
built in the Monastery of Béth ‘Abhé by one of its
abbots called Ishd-yahbh (see Vol. ii. p. 398) must have
been similar to this. On the outer wall of the church
are a number of inscriptions recording repairs of the
fabric and gifts made by pious benefactors, and the
dates when they were made, and also the names of
visitors to the monastery. It would be interesting to
have copies of these, for they would no doubt furnish
clxviil INTRODUCTION.
data for the history of the monastery," but when I was
there no ladders were to be had nor poles and planks to
make a scaffolding with which to reach them. In the
rocks round about the church and buildings of the
monastery are rows of caves hewn out of the solid
rock, in which the stern ascetics of former generations
lived and died. They have neither doors nor any
protection from the inclemency of the weather, and the
chill which they strike into the visitor gives an idea
of what those who lived in them must have suffered
from the frosts of winter and the drifting rain. Some
of them have niches hewn in their sides or backs in
which the monks probably slept, but many lack even
this shred of comfort. The bodies of the dead may
have been preserved in these. The cells are separate
one from the other, and are approached by narrow
terraces, but some of them are perched in almost in-
accessible places, and, unless other means of entrance
existed in former days, could only have been approached
by the monks crawling down from the crest of the
mountain and swinging themselves into them. I saw no
marks of fire in any of the cells. Some cells have a
* One inscription which I copied reads:—/sq7 #204. Nandi
Nod woos f3N2 fo oso 52 fux Ao a.00 dk valfs ser 285N0
tefwsox YoSISo oS o4-.-.2 Maxx “This wall and these doors were
restored by the hands of the sinner David, the son of Argén-
shah the elder, from the country of Salamas.* Inscribed in the
year one thousand, ...... + hundred and ninety-six of the Greeks,
and to God be glory!”
* Or Salamas, in Arabic pola, a district on the western bank of the
Sea of Urmi. See Noldeke, Gram. der Neusyrischen Sprache, p. xxii.
+ The letter here is indistinct, and I could not be certain what it was
intended to be.
RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY. clxix
second small cave hewn out behind the larger one which
is entered through an opening just large enough for a
man of average size to crawl through. The view from
the monastery is exceedingly fine, and westward the
Tigris can be distinctly seen and even the mountains
distant three hours’ ride from Mosul.
The monks belong to the order of Saint Antony,
and live stern lives... They eat meat at Christmas and
Easter, but their usual food consists of boiled wheat
and lentils and dark-coloured, heavy bread cakes. All
wine and spirits are strictly forbidden. They meet at
midnight, daybreak, sunset and at certain times of the
day for prayer to which they are called by a bell; they
have neither light nor fire. ‘They drink rain water
which is preserved in stone cisterns from year to year,
and is always cold and good. Their hospitality is truly
Oriental, and they share with the guest whatever they
have. When Rich visited the monastery on the roth
of December 1820 their number was about fifty;? the
number there in 1843 when Badger’ visited it was
thirty-nine: when Sachau was there in the winter of
1879—8o0* there were sixteen, and when I passed a
night there on the 30th of November 1890 there were
five or six less.
* The report mentioned by Badger (WVestorians, vol. i.
p. 103) concerning the life of the monks of Rabban Hormizd
is not true of those who live there to-day.
2 See Narrative of a Restdence tn Koordistan, vol. ii. p. 88 ff.
3 See The Nestorians and their Rituals, vol. i. p. 102.
4 See Rezse tn Mesopotamten, p. 305 f.
5 Mr. Nimroud Rassam and myself were most kindly received
by Kuss Yuannis in the old monastery, and by Kuss Shmv‘él
in the new monastery which is built on the plain at the foot
(y)
clxx INTRODUCTION.
The exact date of the founding of the Monastery of
Rabban Hormizd is not known, and some confusion has
existed concerning which Hormizd is referred to in the
title “Rabban Hormizd.” Rich states* that this monastery
was founded by “Tomarsa, Archbishop of Ctesiphon,” A.D.
384— 392, that Hormizd lived before the persecution of
Jazdegerd, and that he was martyred in the thirty-sixth
year of persecution, z. ¢, the sixty-sixth of Shapur. Now
there is mentioned by Assemani (SB. O., I. p. 192, col. 1)
a Bishop Hormizd who was martyred in this year, but
he cannot have been the founder of the monastery,
for as Assemani says (5. O,, IL. p. 413, (cola )eanenee
we may also see from the extracts of the history of Rab-
ban Hormizd printed above (see pp. clix—clxvi), Rabban
Hormizd must have been living after the Monastery of
Béth ‘Abhé was founded, because his friend Abraham
the monk had lived there for thirteen years before he
went to the Monastery of Rabban Bar-Idta. Now
Thomas of Marga the zealous historian of the Monas-
tery of Béth Abhé says in his work nothing which
would justify us in assuming that the monastery of
which he was a member was founded in the fourth century
of our era, and he says quite plainly (see Vol. i. p. 79)
that Jacob, whom he and others consider to have been
the founder of Béth ‘Abhé, arrived in Marga in the
fifth year of Khusrau Il, -z ¢, A. D. 595. It is possible
that Jacob may have re-founded Béth ‘Abhé, but hardly
of the mountains. The latter priest could read Latin and
talked Italian, and was a very intelligent and superior man.
In his library I saw a manuscript copy of the Homzlies of
Aphraates which had been taken from the printed text edited
by the late Professor Wright of Cambridge.
* The Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan, Vol. ii. p. 93.
RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY. clxxi
probable, for Thomas, who never misses an opportunity
of glorifying the ‘king of monasteries’, would have
mentioned something concerning its earlier period of
existence. The history of Rabban Hormizd says that
his monastery was consecrated by the Patriarch T6m-
arsa I[ #4 ¢Se0n, but here is another difficulty, for the
lists of the Patriarchs only mention oze Tomarsa, whom
the Jacobites call Tamuza #o#x (See Bar-Hebraeus,
Chron. Eccles. ii. coll. 41 —43; and B. O., it. p. 400),
and who sat from A. D. 384—3092.
In ancient days the library of the monastery con-
tained a number of very valuable MSS., but the Kurds
destroyed by fire and water a large number of them,
and I was told that an inundation of rain swept away
about five hundred which had been placed for safety
in a vault on the side of a hill.
The remains of Rabban Hormizd are buried under
the altar at the east end of the church dedicated to
him; close by are two chapels, one dedicated to the
Holy Trinity and the other to the Four Evangelists.
In a corridor which leads from the church to a kind
of upper Chapel are the tombs of several Nestorian
Patriarchs. On each tomb is an epitaph which records
the name of the Patriarch buried therein, the number
of years which he sat and the date of his death; upon
each is a confession of faith. The names of the
Patriarchs here buried in chronological order are:—
Name Died
1. Mar Shem‘6n sth of Abh A.Gr. S082 1849=A.D.1538
In the latter Teshri 7s
2. Mar Shem‘6n / 89 waet vas who) 982 1870=A.D.1558
gax3 $5515
clxxi1 INTRODUCTION.
Name Died
On the first Wednes-} via
3. Mar Eliya? ea of the Week of A.Gr. a2 1902=A.D.1591
[the Apostles J |
4. Mar Eliya 26th of lyr y we? 1928=A. D. 1617. *
ie 18th of Haziran
cs Mar Eliya? 3 ise? 197 1I=A. Drtono
> ySd> Gixsde Dom
a dit 2011=A. De iGae
6. Mar Eliya 17th of Jyar
MS Sobiis5 Dabs LI0das Doom
7, Mar Eliya In the First Kantn Bs AY, 203 4=A i ae
8. Mar Eliya » Gab 2115=A.D. 1803
1) The first portion of the first epitaph reads:—
“In the living and immortal name, in the name of the
Father, Son and Holy Ghost. From the time when JI,
Mar Shemoén, became Catholicus and Patriarch of
the East, I acknowledged God, the First Light; and
I confessed and believed in His Son Jesus Christ, per-
fect God and perfect Man, two Natures, and two Persons
[in] one outward form; and I loved His Spirit; and I
adored His Sign (z @, the Cross); and I partook of
His body and blood; and I died [relying] upon hope
of Him.”
* He sat thirty-two years. He sat forty-three years.
3 He sat forty years. He died four years after he had built
the great church of the martyrium in the church of Rabban
Hormizd. gasp o82 Osx Noy Gudea oak 8951 SA facus fora omsasoS Joo7
»Da805007 35D ~NBN Nusa fag Nas. 735 tdanc7 fso7
4 uso fs2 Naoorp fo fxpobp jwodo fas0 fo1 mous Af Wo iy ax
Sox. gdaSo NAdn datoad ~50705 foSW fusator mod.dAS jorSons onox
Depol {9045S aa fodad pSNo fino pSN farolsio fxsdso folio foph2 fauxto
cram Aso .NSNoN] cHor0 gTAXSSO QaXO cpusSo .diand cmodSo .Assasc7o
* Naas
RABBAN HORMIZD AND HIS MONASTERY. clxxiil
2) In the second epitaph the confession of faith is
the same as in No. ft.
3) In epitaphs 3—8 the confession of faith is some-
what longer and reads:—‘“I confessed three Persons,
the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, one true God, [of |
everlasting Nature; and I believed in His Son our Lord
Jesus Christ, conjointly perfect God and perfect Man,
two Natures and two Persons in one form, of one
creation and one will; Who suffered and was crucified
and was buried, and He rose the third day as it is
written, and ascended into heaven to His Father; and
I adored His living and life-giving Cross, and I received
His body and His blood |relying| on the hope of the
remission of my Sins,* ec.”
Above the confession of faith in epitaphs Nos. 2—8$
is a cross.’ In No. 4 around the four arms of the cross
is written: “Through Thee will we thrust out our
enemies, and because of Thy name will we tread down
those that hate us. In the living and immortal name,
the rich which cannot be made poor. Look to Him
and hope in Him;” and in No. 8: “The Cross hath
conquered, the Cross will conquer.”?
T Wprwodto aa faa.5x doi aa gxd0H> Jnodo fAT0 Jala JodsH adSas Nx302
wad wssodxto Ixsas0 dssoxso dorS2 sNalBuedd farkdO SOK er e733 Nasanc70
SH3910 me DD fiat Bad {NoBS {onD isoyas Ded pods pddho pLo
gawSpSo rucjosi oS jatoxS wtmo sada Ret toda USaS cide AsbAo
¥ OAs wand faDOmd pad gaam As oios0 qatdSo 1 NaX@ dnens0O dave
2 Yadso Nito No fan Bx COS xoas qox Asoo paspksad Anas @
x*% oy Ame No Som nso N20 Wo
A LIST OF THE PROPER NAMES WHICH OCCUR IN
THE SYRIAC TEXT OF THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS.
a
253, founder of Béth Zeata,
329.15.
tad a5 953, the anchorite,
384.18.
34, the month, 408. note 3.
wos a3, of Anbar, 97.12.
a5, the Israelite, 161.19;
181.109.
moss), founder of Great Mon-
AN Koala, brain, epithe:
27.10 sQ0.461 Gl. i2e
Boas, Archimandrite of Rab-
ban Zekha-Ish6', 7.7; 23.7;
92.9; 93-17; 97-14; 99-12.
675333, ‘the friend of God’,
19.21; 20.1; 22.19;23.2;29.20;
Ol] Seal Leela hl mets [aU
365.14.
675931, the Catholicus, 59.9;
TO307 9200737 2232 Oe ant
24071 3200.17 ;-205-1 4272.10,
270.05 ° 277.145 270.10 s204en.
290.4; 292.13.
o533, of Nethpar, 87.18; 90.5.
messi, of Béth Koka, 5.16;
59.15.
meas, Bishop of Nineveh,
121.8; 194.12.
morass), Bishop of Hadhatta,
238.9.
mos}, the Doctor, 26.5.
wos, the Lame, 145.19.
moa, the Expositor, 195.7.
worn), disciple of Sisoes,
S27ES.
367532, the solitary, 329.18.
wasi— moras), 187.2.
won, monk of Bath ‘Abhé,
54:7: 3
wodzsi, son of David, 200.14.
was al 3, Agrippa, 104.12.
254, monk of Béth ‘Abhé, 37.18.
252, 37. note s.
Ku55092, Adhérbhaijan,r55.15.
wd, a monk, 329.6.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES.
351, the first man, 65.5; 115.17;
eeter 27-1 1 1302.11.
(oder, high priest of Israel,
Ig.21.
oa 02, the Egyptian, 28.16;
81.13; 192.12; 2aReT 0272.10;
Bata 274, 20; 270.6; 201.0;
395-17; 300-3; 334-9-
%02, a city of Talana, 115.11.
401, acity of Talana, 115. note 2.
tS 02, monk of Béth “Abhé,
37-19.
23.9), district north of Mésul,
104.20.
DadS_.902, Eustathius, 292.13;
293.33 310.5; BT Ten Ie
90, Ophir, 204.16.
wade 502, Ur of the Chaldees,
2251-9:
wOIDo?, Edessa, 47.4; QI-5.
OA w302> mountain pass
near Béth ‘Abhé, 243.12.
A562, Jerusalem, 13.15 ; 21.5;
Broce 70-105) 142,12; 204.3;
BIato 1 223°lO; 224.1 2;-300,1T;
311-17; 332-3; 333 8.
2d, Abbot of Béth‘Abhé, 114.10;
115.6; 116.9; 117.2; 118.5;119.19;
T2080 3 7120s 9 123°3%, I24rio:
$2980 7 3 120.13 3130: 07134.155
135-21; 137-75 144-1; 149.11;
RROeI 53.0, 104nlpeesG2cLl.
clxxv
ria an ascetic, 329.20.
MSoduui, Ahithophel, 200.17.
Oud, Job of Uz, 182,11; 189.10.
2.0045 30.2, the Persian, go.6.
30.2, Monastery of, 314.10.
Aus 922! . 201.7.
oe ( wife of Ahab of Israel,
S592 } 397-15.
aS ¢a2, Mount, near Nisibis, 3.13;
22.19; 23.10.
Noku2, the month, 391.12.
oad, of the tribe Shaiban, 7.19;
104.2.
HhnKOa2, son of Abraham, 10.8;
Bid OO L7-enll4- 11. sLOO.t Ss:
189.7.
W022, a monk, 157.7; 329.10.
O00 OS Dal, friend of Palladius,
87.2 rie
Nussaxad, son of Abraham,
BoE 253.10.
UA Ssome2, Ishmaelites, 29.18.
vSe2, monk of Béth “Abhé, 37.8.
163 Nod, of Lagesh (?), 328.16.
v3, a2, the Great, 21.2 ; 22.8;
20:2: m15%.4 ely 7.10: m200ra 2:
284.22; 365.16.
Ne! of Hirta, 28.10;30.15; 32.3;
37-14-
DN}, of Mokan, 12.15; 238.14.
clxxvi
INTRODUCTION.
252,14; 270/10 12706 ney 0.08
270.3; 2014-20401) 200,05
289.2.
SEN2, Elisha of Israel, 21.14;
27-4; 96.2; 51-4; 243.19;
344.19; 398.18.
SiS31, Rabban, of Béth' Abhé(?),
248.3.
SiN 7,
RCA)
S832, a monk, 268.6; 270.3.
Laasmoadi, 20d 3.00992, Alex-
andria of Egypt, 53.13; 334.6.
sah ds02, of Mount Zinai,
II3.19-
Aum dose i, a village of Marga(?),
SO5.12:
9.2050 2, Amonius, 268.109;
200.10% 1382.2:
005 OS33, Antony the Great,
22.0 700.1; 110.53133:22 5.33410;
376.10.
the ascetic, 239.4.
the elder, 98.11.
waddes i, Antioch, 6.8; 70.20;
77-15%
od, Estwan, a village on
the Zabh, 48.12.
9 OSL 2, Protomartyr,262.2. |
wwasdho2, of Marga, 24.11.
wwasS& 2, Bishop of Dasen,
II5.17.
UsdS_£03, ceGpch a
6 Heo?, the desert of Scete,
23-8; 53-9; 78.20; 135.9.
Wad tieo2, the desert of Scete,
354.12.
945 OSS 2 a Nitrian monk,
254.10.
tesa, Apamea, 7I.10.
Sso.35 3, of the Great Mon-
astery, 6.4; 42.9; 48.2; 60.15;
105.43 130.172)394210:
(S:492, of Karké dhé Béth
Selokh, 68.8; 113.19.
iS 2, of Béth Boéré near
Nineveh, 107.4.
inn 1, Monastery of, 144.1.
aad 3, Metropolitan of Elam,
197-15 3) 100.14:
uJ, Bishop of Gilan, 267.17.
02, village of Marga, 143.16.
YE -) 2, village near the Great
Zabh, 316.19.
195}, Arabia; 4333'22:
N55, Arbela near Mosul, 9.7;
79.16; II14.10; 197-21; 10G,1 75
e027.
0954, Erzerim, 37.20.
00 08), Arius, 330.2.
LS}, Arlayé, a nickname(?),
238.12.
@so52, the Prophet, 115.12;
282.13; 333-4.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES.
clxxvil
Lso'5 2, inhabitants of country
‘round about Seleucia, 82.14;
85-15; 95.16; 102.9; 108.13;
384.2.
46955052, the Shahrigh, 161.4.
4 owt i. Ft at 67%
a3s51 = ziSS
Ae ‘ 4052: t9anso |,
69.12.
00505}, Arsenius,
243.16; 334.9; 376.10.
dax2, the Prophet, 163.10; 347.6;
369.6.
da2, of Scete, 119.2; 297.6.
tsa, (SKA 85), 254.8.
SONi the district near Mosul,
74.2; 120.15; 139.14.
USONi, Assyrians, 23.14; 186.17.
22.13;
oosi, the city of Athens, 23.21.
Ni, Athenians, 298.6.
eth, the historian, 85.2; 88.9;
105.3:
455, third Abbot of the Great
Monastery, 4.2; 5.8; 25.11;
20.4, 30,12; 32.2; 33.10;-30.6;
51-14 352.4 554-13 350.19 363.22;
79-7-
u5, Bar-Nesibhnayé, the musi-
cian, 8.20;140.12;141.7;142.1 ;
143-5; 144-13; 147.4; 148.13;
Ai 22s 21761 0.
wi, Bishop of Beth Garmai,
238.19.
OO.505.9 — OI, 227.
note 4.
As, Babylon the Great, 116.16;
142.2; 223.00 = oars ke
LASS, Babylonians, 23. 14.
Wo oss se WOsL0ry, 227.10.
ahs, Bagdad, 310.6; 383.7.
A203 or A...03, Monastery
in Marga(?), 143. note 3.
Saxs2505, Bishop of Béth
Garmai, 238.19.
99903, head of the church at
Shenna, 292.15.
S0%.9505—=0%3505, 238.
note 5.
4a4503, the inhabitants of Béth
| Boré, 107.7.
7992 Ou9, a village in Marga,
. 14317: TO2 cor sloarl ty
Suz gus = ONMZ, Bethel,
198/16.
2652 Nd, a village of Marga,
1eAW. bap
1Noai Ne3, a district in Kur-
| distan(?), 198.3.
Ls. M3, the country round
" about Séleucia, 82.14; 85.15;
QO&s10 7102.0 2106.13 304.2.
sis MS, a district on the
Upper Zabh, 10.4; 106.12;
T1711 0124.0, -125734 105-2;
(z)
clxxvill
196.9; 213.7; 239.1;
352-53 345-24; 385.4.
sis 3, country of Beth Be-
ehash 345.24.
4909 Md, a district in Kur-
distan, 239.16.
293.14;
t305 NS, a village near Nine-
"veh, 107. 83
290K des, a village of Dasen,
294.106.
20K bed, a village of Beth
Zabndaiynoa. 17:
TAS S03, in the mountains of
Dasen(?), 7145. OF.0 5200.19;
381.3.
woah Ned, see Vol. il. p. 44,
25.36 58.3; 60.21; 61.9; 66.17;
68.10; .69.12;- 73.19; 80.18;
112,145'238.20, 310,0;,345.12;
361.17; 372.9; 380.14.
$30 iu5, G50 3, a village
in Salakh, 150.20.
1950 NaS, a village in Adia-
bene(?), T5a.t72
tg (a3, atown onthe Lower
Zabh, 230.4.
vag Nd, a district near Ge-
ziret ibn ‘Omar, 26.3 ;-37-20.:
os9 N35, a village in Marga,
254.11.
#8029 No — yd NM, 329.17.
PO Ne, a village in Marga,
80.20; 81.9.
INTRODUCTION.
Nutatign de, a monastery near
Dakok, 58. 185/ 59.72
peer M3, Monastery of, near
Mésul, 58.19; 86.3.
Wafom Sus M5, 398.12.
vdomd, tus, ubowk Quy, a
Shahrighan village,
TO2 Oo e1Ol 7
wd, Qu3, a village of Marga,
399-2.
1500 i3, Asia Minor, 330.5;
335-1:
Ko\x No, a village of Birta
“in Marga, 332.5; 338.4.
udio §u5, or Addo dun,
see vol. ii. pw447 238.11.
Nodso oF, a village of Marga,
357-6.
tabais0 Ned, a district of Béth
Garmai, "319.10.
tas S35, a village in Salakh,
I50.10;170.27;
t5dc103 S03, a diocese near
the Tigris, 62:2,;,00-14"
161.2;
ddc703 No, a diocese along
they ligtisnss6a
Bdojes Nad, a diocese along
the Tigris, 104.21.
oaks Muy, a village in Marga,
1447
wo M3, a village in Marga,
144.2; 329.17.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES
yOID 3, 399.13.
ws Nu3, the Monastery of,
1.25 3-35 4,13 5-1; 15.16; 23.7;
mina, 22.20; 37.15; 36.13; 41.10;
43-13345-1.1; 54-6;67.20; 91.14;
139.43145.6;167.2;224.12;251.4;
Beortiy- 203.0; 295.6; 302.9;
319.125 324-4; 380.10; 389.8.
IOs NS, a village of Marga(?),
397-11.
SES M3, a district in Marga,
au 2" 61. MatO22 12 152.0.
UsSs N35, the district be-
tween Nisibis and Eski-Mosul,
63.21.
re N53, a village near Ar-
bela, 145.21.
dad M3, China, 238.15.
¢O Ny, a village of Marga,
344.17.
goo No, a village on the Upper
Zabh, 392.15.
ied Nua, Monastery of in
Adiabene, 23.6; 89.15; 90.6;
381.15.
wake Mas, a district on the
Persian ‘Gulf, 86.7; 95.13.
Apa S43, ADRS No, a
village in Marga, 144.3; 164.12
198.20; 201.5.
iNas a5 79 Aus, Monastery
of, 380.16.
vod Ny, Béth Réwai, 169.20.
S. clxxix
4300675 NS, Asia Minor, 6.6;
69.7; 71.19.
yd Ne, a city near Tekrit,
790.23; 292.3.
Nod Ne, WW Aco5 NS, a)
village i in ‘Marg, 61.2; 144. cy
tab OK a3, the village of Shir-
‘ wan (2), 109. 21.
A NJ, a village of Marga,
347-4-
dsaxd N09, a village in Marga,
144.4.
SANSA Ms,
Mésul, 168.8.
a district near
ud, Monastery of, 125.9.
(osdecous, a monk of Scete,
327.10.
IN, a district in Marga,
TOT. TOseIOL-L 5 104.7, 230-17 »
325.2; 327-21; 332.4; 345-19;
359-20; 362.17; 395.15.
val, oad a5 OORT, a monk
of Béth ‘Abhé, 225.8; 226.3.
: \5, a5, a town close to
Eski-M6sul, 12.1 ; 34.19; 63.20;
104.20; 216.6; 238.6; 246.15;
248.10; 251.8; 296.21; 302.4;
383-7. |
UaNs, UsSs, the people of
Baladh, 11.22; 246.8; 247.2.
Sexi As, Belshazzar of Baby-
‘lon, 182.17.
as\sz, Balaam;+3%7:
celxxx
INTRODUCTION.
adxh5, a town in Adiabene,
47-3-
phony, the tribe of, 32.8; 40.17.
enous, a monk of Béth ‘Abhé,
37.17.
dati, the people of Béth
' Banika(?), 199.19.
(2 qdo ) 035.5, Outer Salakh,
109.4.
Axocrak,05, father of Ishé'-
yahbh IIl., 5.3; 47.13; 48.7;
49.6; 69.11.
DOMO5, Basil the Great,
219.1.
ohu.05, Basil the Great, 219
DOL:
Noss, Monastery of, 237.22.
wos, Baal, 29.2.
wsoxss 45, Bishop of Seleucia,
262.6.
NOK95 45, of ‘Ain Barké in
Marga, 59.6.
$3552 a5, a monk in the
Great Monastery, 4.14; 38.9;
45-15.
bod, 45, the Monastery of,
4:10 3141:13 4984.20;
03 45, a monk in the Great
Monastery, 33.20.
trad a5, the historian, 23.15;
47.3;62.1; 73.0; 103,71; 3G0.1 0.
tha AS, the Gnostic, 36.18.
Nass a5, of Haighla, 33.
{300 @ 33, Abbot of Béth‘ Abhé,
Grae ss
tag a5, z. ¢., George of Adi-
abene, 94.3; 99.10; 145.21.
wadon a5, the Apostle, 262.4.
v5, a village on the Upper
Zabh, 329.10; 346.13.
wg, the warrior, 368.17.
DOH 939, Abbot of Béth
“Abhé, 70.8% 77.225 Olenoe
Ane55, a village of Marga,
143.15.
1655, Monastery of, 156.3;
169.17.
soex5, a village of Saphsapha,
94.7; 136.12; 162:125 816470:
195.35 230-17.
ASIN the people of Gilan,
253.7.
wad, a district near the Cas-
pian Sea, 12.10;259.5 ;266.17;
278.10.
wa, a village of Marga,
143.15; 346.8.
ok, Gibeah, 30.22.
SAA , a village of Tirhan,
I41-00;°174-1 5117502 021 go
Anas , surnamed the Dan-
cer, 8.1; 70.7 -sIOTst Osi auee
II3.22.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES.
clxxx1
Muask , surnamed the Cow,
fa e720 5.00.12; O1.7 ; 92.5.
Mask , surnamed Little bird,
54-8; 94.4.
Madok 14.3; 239.14; 325.2;
aeoee wes 3%.2; 300:2; 362.5;
363.2; 364.2; 365.13; 367.5;
368.8; 369.19; 371.11; 372.14;
373-16; 374.4; 380.2; 381.20;
282.16; 385.16: 386.3; 387.2;
830.10; 390.21; 400.12; 401. 2;
403.4; 406.14.
Mask , 375.13.
Mask , Monastery of, 292.18.
Mask , Bishop of Marga, 239.1.
Bod, Golgotha, 261.20;
333-17:
ad , z. €.. Gudal near Mésul,
63.21.
yous, Gideon, 402.10.
Bal, a village in Marga,
143.10.
Assi ok | a district near Mosul,
164.1.
vaok , a town of Béth Gar-
iiales 21.4.
ak , a village in Inner Sa-
lakh, 110.16.
aol , Goliath the Giant,
103.2.
taS0\, disciple of Babhai the
musician, 146.13; 217.11.
s
gwd , Gehazi, 27.2.
od soud , of Béth Garmai,
6.20; 80.16; 81.8.
od sod , Metropolitan of
Nisibis, 6.22; 81.21; 82.1;83.11;
94-17; 95-11; 114.3; 120.7;
200:7:
od Saud , Metropolitan of Pe-
rath dhe Maishan, 7.1; 85.5;
86.6; 87.2: 88.6.
od 5 oud , Metropolitan of
Elam, 238.7.
fod sad, Abbot of Béth
‘Abhé, 250.20.
oud Souk , uncle of Timothy
the Patriarch, 195.5.
ord Saud , the ‘‘son of the
fishermen”, 54.7; 73.20; 94.2;
QQ.10.
59ax = ods oud , George the
Catholicus, 165.9; 166.12;
167.7; 185.13.
od dso, Bishop of Khan-
ishaboér, 239.4.
owed, the river Gihon, 31.2.
DAA the people of Gilan,
: 238.10.
WAL, Galilee, 276.19.
oounk , Galen the physician,
135.2.
tao voroSsok — ~radadsa\
156. note 1.
clxxxil
INTRODUCTION.
wasodroi a diocese in Adia-
bene, 156.4.
sok , Monastery of, 317.1.
SK, a village four miles N.
of Béth “Abhé, 59.21.
poh, of LDellaBesme, 35:5;
49-12; 50.3; SI-I.
Sokal , 320.0.
oo0.30X.a\ , Gregory Nazian-
zenus, 219.2.
woasX 5h, a foun-
tain(?) near Beth’ Abhé,108. 1 9;
120.55 21116; 110te0s:
dattso'S the people of Béth
Garmai, 353.5.
50329, a district near Dasen,
155.32:
2, a district along the Upper
Zabh, 294.163 155.175 1560:1°
355-5:
Dd, a district along the Upper
Labi 37222 :102:20,
555, family at Tell Kéf, 409.5.
Naxd5, Abbot of the Great
Monastery, 24.8; 25.7; 26.8;
31.2; 37-11.
waren, a man of the tribe
Dhuhl, 104.4.
2405, THT, King of Israel, 37.8;
40:03) 05:10; 5 1032) s1tharo.
156.18 ; -158.1F -I81.3;3' 197.2;
109.15 ;200.17; 202.17. 204707
230.20; 243.18; 277,4-920008
303-4; 377-8.
03, Bishop of the Kartaw
Arabs, 94.6; 99.9.
2409, Metropolitan of China,
238.12.
2405, Bishop of Gildan, 267.17.
4,296, a monk of Béth ‘Abhé,
380.11; 389.7.
230, a village of Nahla dhe
Malka, 98.2.
90303049, Bishop of Béth
Béghash, 238.21.
odd, a country near the
Caspian Sea, 12/10;u250055
268.8; 278.10.
Lseadd, the people of Dailom,
" 101.4; 136.43 238.10; man aru
266.18; 278.8.
wOSL9, Bishop of Ma‘allthd,
7-22; 107.21; 135.19.
OAD O53, the author, 292.5.
1.55 Yaad, a monastery near
Hadhatta, 156.3; 169.17.
ted tad, the “Lime Mon-
ASLELVe, OO. 28 so 2lraan
tuho> 730d, the “Mud Mon-
astery”, 198.18.
w5ehs Y5, a monastery in
Marga, 161.22.
tN55 tad, a monastery in
Marga, 155.17.
2x39 tad, a monastery in
Marga, 24.113; 328.9.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES.
clxxxiil
ved, a town of Bahrén, 86.9.
Lod, a valley on the Lower
Zabh, 319.15.
Muns5, Daniel the Prophet,
115. BoeetrO. LO. S21:1 2.
Hand, a village near Lasim,
58.17.
O35, Darius the Mede,
mae 17.
ut 0,0505 5, Damascus, 72.4;
178.4.
avo, the Tigris, 53.17 ;169.18;
E7Ae2), 199.18; 249.19; 296.20;
Mga0, 313.12; 315.1; 316.15;
050007, Homer, 297.21.
MO OI.ONO OC), sec KOD050007,
2075 note 3.
od, 349007, Hypocrates the
Physician, 298.20.
5 92805007, PACTHUZO LUNG ae 5.2:
AO21 5); 02.2.1.
Waar, a village on the Tigris,
199-5.
a3002 Woo, a village on the
Tigris, Baalo.
oxo a1, a village on the Upper
Habtr, 62.1.
ZAaKO1, the fisherman of Ha-
dhatta, 315.16.
Loud, Valens the Emperor,
330.2.
1526, the river Zabha, 233.8;
313.17; 319.10; 322.2; 329.21.
O16 aS v0d6, a Persian noble-
man, 404.1.
HOrdins, a Persian nobleman,
143.2.
A35509, Zerubbabel, 142.20;
174. 14; 204.18.
wag, mount of, 60.13; 130.19;
381.22.
NOx. Ae, a monk in the Great
Monastery, 37.22; 90.4; 93.73
Q7-14.
wS9, Zacchaeus, Bishop ofElam,
207507.
v9, Zacchaeus of Béth Milé,
pete fig
2039, Zechariah, 223.16; 302.20.
99, a village of Béth Beghash,
293.15.
15 2an, a village of Béth Garmai,
61.3.
25, of the Monastery of
Gabriel, 381.12.
Z
¢kertw, a monk of the Great
Monastery, 37.19; 328.20.
Wats, Habakkuk,
204.4; 321.12.
whe, Haggai, 204.4.
159.20;
clxxxiv
INTRODUCTION.
DOAm, village of, 38.10; 214.6;
230.10
DOdn, see DOAN, 38°22.
Sd, Sham, Adiabene, 7.21;
S53 O:1OwlO thle oc0 7e0 is
VOL0P7 312057 Aley Ose OL ad,
80:7; S100;14- 8120 4 ial. .o-
139-4; 142.22; 153-7; 155-11;
171.19; 178.13; 197.17; 199.4;
216116 270 aU: se IA10;
2S, the people of Adiabene,
IO.14; 201.10; 353:5-
tNow, al-Haditha, 8.11; 95.21;
IZ0}10 si5 Ore. 00u e230 0.
315.135 362.17; 395.1.
tau, Eve, 42.18; 393.21.
aA Om, aah Ow, a Persian noble-
man, 8.14; 136.10.
asi aA om, Monastery of
LideairsersOci seas 7ace
uom, Havilah, 204.16.
Sd Om, Horeb, 31.20.
tatigm, Hezekiah, 347.6.
Natati 9, Ezekiel, 374.6.
Sutton, Monastery of, 59.2;
58.19.
Dem, the river, 393-10.
23 oe, of Tirhan, 143.18(?);
148-09 ; 167-10; 173.7.
¢Nom, “at the end of the earth”,
185.18.
aden, of Saphsapha, 239.17.
adem, on the river Hazer, 393.9.
aX, 328.15.
tNdum, of the Arabs, 28.10;
88.15.
1Ndam, of Naman, 254.1.
Qo.Qu, 321.4.
wad, a village of Saphsapha,
239.17; 240.20.
“tm, Ham, 26.16.
(B2y, of Beni Taimlah, 314.5;
315-9: |
¢xo.so~, a village of Marga,
312.20.
Ody, (see yoddy), 178.13.
tho, Hannah, 96.12; 358.15;
363.13:
dain, YNakom, diocese of, 10.10 ;
108.1;,°135.18; 130;c5eoGee
383.12.
i3m, a monk of Béth ‘Abhé,
247.1.
dado, Ananias the liar, 370.16.
a
dadimr, “who ate vegetables”,
$210; 125,10; 1200048
dadin, Bishop of Gilan, 267.17.
Jasin, Bishop of Gilan, 238.12.
NOKin, the Patriarch, 37.14;
41.14; 53.21; 68.2; 91.19;102.4;
194.16.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES.
clxxxv
NOKtin, surnamed the Red,
230.9.
NOXdin, the author, from Béth
“Abhé, 244.13.
OKadinn, a monk, 270.3.
SN OXdiw, a monkof Béth ‘Abhé,
Gta; 210.1 1.
Mim, Ole, Hinnis (Bavian),
144.3; 165.13; 167.9; 328.21.
(Ou, a Persian nobleman, 8.17;
139.12; I9I.o.
wi a5 Ome, Flasan bar- Ali,
SOri LT.
ane teow, 2. ¢., “Little For-
tress”, near Béth‘Abhé,209. 10.
Ph Aa tS 25.00m, z. é@, ‘Hebrew
Fortress”, near Mosul, 168.3 ;
198.18; 248.3; 254.2.
oN, a town on the Upper
Mei) 178.13 200.1; 353.
note 2.
wan, a village in Marga, 329.11.
ASA ND, a village on the
Lower Zab, 66.17.
> vw, a village of Marga,
143:17.
Daw, a village of Adiabene,
89.7.
= Harran, 288.12.
193., a village of Saphsapha,
Bers 070.0;.230-17:
wwe a5 Zim, Zane. Matin
ibn Salih, 152.20; 153.2.
Sm, a province of Salakh,
150.20.
Nou2o dai, Mount Izla near
Nisibis, 93.14.
wea Dod, Mount Bera‘in in
Fetsiay, 92.2:
wag 2 as, Mount Zinai, 60.13;
130.19.
thas So\,, Mount ‘of Olives,
"21.16; 333-18.
we? sai, 381.12.
wNso5A dod, Mount Carmel,
AON fs
whale SoS, Mount Sinai, 21.13.
tad 3d 7208, the Nitrian
mountain, 254.16.
AosN Dod, Mount ‘Tabor,
Pay
dude, the Arabs, 28.10; 88.11;
; T25. 80 -7132.0;, 152:19> 153500:
154.10 m10GnL 35 220.0; 6243.2;
248.6; 281.9; 388.14.
PO{NBA,, Bishop of Béth
. Beghash, 10.4; 195.2; 196.9;
199-11; 198.11; 199.7; 201.16;
202.22 6207, 3 240,6:8- 245.0;
202 bee 253.13 8257.2 7250.0:
20070 203,07 205.10; 207.2;
278.10 ;279.11 ; 302.12; 310.15.
(TBady, the country about
Samarra, 141.17.
(aa)
clxxxvi
INTRODUCTION.
BAS, a district in Marga,
TI51 Dr eelH bet oe
ASK, 2. e. “ 155. note 5.
WHA, 7. e, TRS, 148.8;
173-7; 217. %
1681 son, 2o¢NSen, Metro-
politan of Gilan, 12.13 ; 238.10;
252.13; 263.14; 264.9; 265.4;
206.11-520752°6.208. 7.8270; 2"
278.1 f.
Aso OTs, of Béth Beéghdsh,
345-24.
9O0b, 4200, country of, 198.16;
204.30; 205.4.
2300p, son of Jacob, 156.17.
1300}, Judas Iscariot, 254.22.
243 00}, the Jews, 223.15; 233.2;
" 281.9 ; 286.20.
MabZOn, St. John Chrysostom,
87.17%
3 59 Ou, Zechariah vi. 10, 303.1.
rina, the Apostle, 326.13;
339.18.
rhenQa, the brother of James,
104.3.
pha, the Baptist, 21.14; 134.4;
268.22.
phn Oa, of Adiabene, 7.21; 105.6;
TO7ih 41120175, 100.1561 7 15"
118.1 ;/ 120.1; 125.12; 395.20;
143-3; 145-19; 194.8.
phenQu, of Nérabh Barzai, 14.11;
329:12; 368.5:
phenOa, of the Monastery of
Risha, 369.8; 370.1; 371.19;
372.12; 374.17; 391.10.
anu, “Bishop ofthe Scattered”,
79.2.
rena, Hadhatta, 96.7.
y EY ed
yas, of Béth Garmai,
58.2; 59.1; 66.9.
twOs, of Dailém, 7.12; 96.10;
98.17; 99.13 ; 100.7.
Peet Pa
yuu, of Damascus, 72.4; 178.4.
¢
5:155
ee fad
phwQa, the writer, 23.5.
@
Ze
wea, the ascetic, 37.17.
yiaOu, the monk, 375.8.
yaa, an elder, 37.15.
pha Qa, brother of ‘Andn-Ishd‘,
106.3.
GAia., Metropolitan of Adia-
bene, 51.18.
Xo Greece, 334.21.
tai On, Greeks, 46.16; 330.5;335.1.
piu, Jonah the Prophet, 40.7;
180.11.
rs Ou, theascetic, 4.17; 41.4;53.21.
I. ou, Joseph son of Jacob,
37.7; 46.8 ;84.12;97.21;115.17;
116.16; 264.14.
Amos, of Béth Koka, 5.16;
59.15.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES.
’ A A
Soon, of Shahrazir, ror.8;
102.11; 103.11; 104.2.
Sem0., of Béth ‘Abhé, 113.20.
Amon, of Beth Garmai, 13.10;
319.6; 321.21.
Ama, son of Mari, 197.16;
198.8; 200.16; 201.14.
Amas, Monastery of, 249.21.
phd On, the river, 333.17;339-18.
$aXOu, the son of Zephaniah,
302.21.
26, a Persian god, 284.3.
re oa, the tax-gatherer, 47.4;
B2.1:
B5u9e, 220, Yazdina-
bhadh, 234.19; 386.16.
10s, al-Yaman, Yemen, 238.17.
ie, mountain of, 381.12.
Osa, Jannes the magician,
176.13.
Mdc., PUES bse, 19.21; 20.2;
29.10; 42-758 A0.107P204NT 2;
2.98.9 ; 299.20; 337-14.
UN 5Os, Israelites, 19.21 ;204.14.
hs, son of Hemran, 314.5;
515.0:
sats., Jacob, 10.8; 37.7; 46.8;
ame 00,19 177.214. 100.3%
BASE 115757 >, 109-11 > 100.12:
294.3.
satisu, brother of Christ, 262.3.
clxxxvii
satsu, the Apostle, 262.3.
sots., brother of John, 104.13.
sats, father of John, 58.2.
Satisu, the writer of the Epistle,
2QI1.4.
satts, of Edessa, 250.18.
Sabss, founder of Béth ‘Abhé,
AbT +5. 14, 25-2: 30.5531.0; 3202.0;
33:6; 34-3; 35-8; 36.8; 38.17;
41-19; 43.13; 44.21; 46.7;
47-14; 48.4; 49.4; 55-3; 50.14;
Beta Oe76e 50.1 35) 00-2:501.5;
62.4; 65.12; 66.10; 75.6;76.132;
77-175 91-13 592.4;93-13; 113.1;
EIA; 20") 11077 pais 2 22754:
232.8; 236.1; 271.9; 278.16.
atts, of Bath Nuhadhra, 6.3;
66.14; 67.2.
Sattss, Bishop of Nisibis, 25.8.
3aAss,
2.27.10.
satis, the Catholicus, 137.10;
| Be RY
Sots, father of Thomas of
Marga, 109.19.
atte, a monk in the Great
Monastery, 37.18.
Sabss, a monk of Yanan,
381.12.
Satta, Bishop of Marga, 239.2.
‘the sacristan’s son”
Nam, the son of Yozadak,
174.14; 303.22.
clxxxvill INTRODUCTION.
é in a 6 é
Naxs, surnamed ‘Maran- Yoana WOSs, 380.17.
zekha”, 238.20.
NOx, of Béth Garmai, 238.19.
Sax, a monk of Béth ‘Abhé,
10.22; 208.15; 209.6; 210.0.
A ewax, of the ‘Lime Mon-
astery”, 90.2.
fAehex., Bishop of Kerkik,
7.23 ;108.8; 110.4 ; 112.2; 125.11;
126:7 236-16; 092lie 25 Dodel.
¢5 eo%s, of Beth “Abhé, 47.16;
49.21; 149.16.
IOP OX, of Gedhala, 34.19;
61.10;,63:20; 60:6; 67.2; 09.0.
ITN OK, of Adiabene, 5.4;
6.5 eXOs0 75111.23 40115 5147-18:
58.10; 70.4; 71-1; 72.7; 73-6;
77 217.808 OO. oe Ola 20212;
64,6,°87:1,.00.2, 1020, 114.35
120106) #1212 ee IA21 2 aloo
199.4; 200.5; 201.20; 202.22;
20373 -21205:051.200.4 8207.08
210.6; 211.9; 213.18; 214.3;
215.10; 225.4; 228.3; 251.2;
382.12.
lads Oa, of Tella; tom r03.c:
194.4% 197.21:
POM OSs,
“Long”, 256.9.
TT O%s, brother of ‘Andn-
}shd‘, 78.13; 106.6.
surnamed the
JOWOXs, a monk of Béth
‘Abhé, 256.21.
opom5 WOKs, an ascetic "o1
Marga, 328.18.
4001309, founder of a mon-
astery near Mosul, 58.19;
86.2.
Du013 903, a native of Bashdsh,
94.7-
1545003, 381.4.
DOnK05, a town near the
mouth of the Lower Zabh,
239.4.
©3003, Khusrau II. Parwéz,
[ODA 5.2 ;46.145]5.19;46.15;
47.2; 40.20;50.1; 52:25) 02.c08
63:4>-00.05:
O50, the Jacobite, 250.19.
[See RON].
63.009 , a monk at Béth ‘Abhé,
220s neio27 ale
Adaa, a village in Adiabene,
OOs1 147.075;
wad, Chaldeans, 22.19.
UIORALNS, people of Chalce-
COnm2 oie
(asd, the month Kanén, 408,
NOtew:
dakN3Q, Canaanites, 290.1.
MaL,aMd, Xystus Bishop
of Rome, 123.5.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES.
clxxxix
Angas ada, a village on the
Upper Zabh, 143.1; 144.10;
BaG2t, 148.19; 161.5; 174.106;
199.3 ;.200.3.
God Nor (34, Kerkik,
Bere 5i.1o, 68.10; 70.73.92:5;
238.19.
1a 6d. #934, Kerkik,112. ee
ghsod, Mount Carmel, 21.13.
$5ado 0059, Christians, 63.10;
243.4; 263.4; 285.15; 289.5;
815.22: 349.10; 388.4.
wONSS, Kartaw Arabs, 99.9;
" 294.6; 321.1.
SosceS, Sedco
wo aca’, a Persian noble-
Man, 143.3; 153-11; 170.4,
and note 2.
go, a village on the Zabh,
BOTS; 372.10.
Lad, Levites, 190.15.
ude, a man of the al-Azd
tribe, 386.8.
aes, des, Lazarus, 239.1;
408.5.
x\S, s\S a village on the
Idzer,- 328.17.
woxS, a village of Beth Gar-
mai, 25.3.
wogso, a monk at Shenna,
Ao5ats 300,12.
A okso, Magog, 205.3.
*Koks0, Magians, 110.17; 136.15;
322.5; 338.4; 348.18; 344.7.
dada D30 , Midianites, 402.11.
idx, Moab, 31.6.
5.0%, Seo Sh 168.8; 207.12;
222.6; 250.21; 294.19.
dab m08d, Yat e080 , name
of a well, 104.16, and note 4.
was, a district in Armenia,
¥2°05 23001 4-82 70110 27.010;
27 Gee. 20124 125010.
¢x030, Moses the Great, 20.2;
. Biro 2211 0220.10 437, OO Sage
Gaver ee TIS 16-all0.00 +) 15755);
174.1022 -5204.10% 200.145
240.1; 289.21; 298.8; 334.1;
BA 712:
d9anso, Ctesiphon and Seleucia,
61.4; 63.9; 69.12; 84.1.
DD , of Béth Bézai, 239.10;
240.5; 386.8.
13.30 wise , Maya Kariré, 144.2;
163.21; 164.20; 182.21; 183.1.
4050750, of Hennes, 165.12.
| utd > O50, DOr 4wODO750, 165.
note 2.
tudo, 113.2.
OLS, Milles the writer,
127.16.
adhe, 373.19; 389-4.
CXC
INTRODUCTION.
Ld aqadso, Melchisedek, 53.11.
15.0 a9adds0 , Melchisedekians,
53:9:
wnasd , a Persian nobleman,
380.17.
dains0, Manichees, 261.14.
$550, Manasseh, 32.12.
woher {
osadco 143.3; 153-12;
393-11; 394-16; 395-1.
EXSo0, KX, a village near
Dehék, 7.22; 107.21; 108.1;
195;201/230.1 05,960,127
W850, 381.4.
395, note I.
wer, ONY, 53.10; 87.175 |
116.3 O620132)4-0107. 2 000Ac1 GC;
334-7; 354-12.
115 e9, D'SId, 115.19; 204.10.
$Shx0, a village of Margi,
T4210 15399810:
oxa.tiso, Macarius the Egyp-
tian, 28.16; 53.12; 86.2; 275.2;
334-9; 327-10; 376.10.
eX aso, Marcas .4:99 4.20812:
11.05 324°02) O1/23 15 pid sea,
144.5; 153-10; 155.19; 156.10;
157735100.) melOAnl met) cate
178:13; 179.9; 104:4; 200.1;
239.8;9234,10- 229.20. 2302.
204°1177271:1055200, 7; e425,
328.6; 332.4; 337-19; 344.21;
345-17;307.13 3305:10;407m0.
23K a0, Monastery of, 314.11.
23550, #94%, a diocese of
Adiabene, 156.4.
os, Merv, 198.8.
04%, 392.17.
4050 , the ascetic, 383.13.
\oam, a boy fromNiram, 393.4.
vase, Mart, 197.16 ;198.8;200.16;
201.14.
S5u350, a monk of Mount
IzlA(?), 4.21; 42.3; 43.2. |
adSO , the Mother of Christ,
Aguilas
‘0050, Magdalene, 39.09.
ta asso, Bishop of Hadhatta,
8.11;126.4;130.14;131.6. 5240
2.2.3.3.
t4ea580, Bishop of Shushan,
295-2
opass iso, Metropolitan of Adia-
bene, 9.1 3125.75139.3; 140.11;
147.53148.6; 150.5 5153.7 5167.4;
160.7; 9171-10; §172-2-eml7 aoe
174.18; 175.1; 191.8; 196.8;
197.203 )302) 1c.
> OHSS, Mark the Monk, 221.4;
264.16; 274.13 ;276.2; 300.10;
326.4; 384.21.
PEY.W = J.) , Marcionites, 261.14.
udtss, the Apostle, 87.16.
uss, Rabban, 108.20; 126.6.
LIST OF SYRIAC
PROPER NAMES. CxCcl
TAN N33 2552s, a district in
Béth Zabhdai, 7.14; 61.6;
99.18.
9a 52s or ugARSUS, a
fortified place in Salakh (?),
T4.11; 143.19; 320.13; 268.5;
BoQem 271.11; 274.17.
2S, a native of Hatra, 393.10.
ux305 O15, a village of Marga (??)
346.19.
wos, of Béth Kewaz, BO2117-
Sus, a village of Marga(?),
37-19.
us, a district in Marga, 155.18.
wNs0> had, aoe distticte in
Marga, 98.2.
tbons> anos = LeLsaS,, 220.82.
ooNus, the river Nile, 219.21.
Joss or Ou, 4c, MP3,
ete 53.22; 6581103 -FO.r0;
WaERO;ROE.EL; IO7.3 3 I2I.10;
159.8; 164.1; 180.12; 194.12;
FOAGe1 3 E1O0.0 201223.1.; 230:3 ;
381.1; 305.8.
LORS, Ninevites, 39.11; 40.12;
194.12; 168.9; 353-4.
Oud, the month Nisan, 408.3.
Ws
a
ot, Nectarius, 81.13.
a village of
Marga, 338.14; 344.2 ; 395-20;
400.9.
ond OL, Nestorius, 145.9;
185.2.
439 OL OS, Metropolitan of
Adiabene, 279.12.
0 08,003,
314.11.
dsd0d co, Nestorians, 164.30;
165.7.
SaN003, Nastir the writer, 22.13.
Monastery of,
ass, Naaman the Syrian, 254.1;
294.17.
pacha ed, Nisibis, 23.10; 28.11;
49120; 50.3; 51.17; 02.3; 70.0;
78.14; 81.2 2;82.8;83.13;85.11;
90.17; 112.6; 316.3; 383.6.
UbBeES, people of Nisibis, 83.17.
10035, see Ras qho, 109.4.
wWOAS, Bishop of Shenna, 12.21;
13.1; 239.3; 201.2; 292.2;
203-10; 204+21 +.200.21- 2090.0;
301.17; 304.14; 308.18; 309.12;
SLOst eo 63147006315 Gl ae lOnl:
317.10.
wis, pupil of Babhai, 79.7.
wos, Abbot of the Great
Monastery, 89.9; gI.10.
ws, “The Harp of the spirit”,
145.18.
om @
woos, of “Ain Barké, 59.5.
24 , ns
™, 2.0.) } Pao)
Muda Ns, a monk of Béth ‘Abhé,
54-73 94:3-
the Prophet, 40.9.
CXCll
INTRODUCTION.
SSNS, a man of Nephar or
Niffer(?), 87,18.
1305020, followers of Severus
| of Antioch, 23.20;Q1.2; 185.10;
249-53 352-17; 353-17.
An oko, a monk of Mount
Izla, 37.10.
NOmAAO, of Béth Garmai,
5-73 37-213 49.18; 50.4; 51.3;
73-19; 139-14.
NOK, surnamed Réstam,
725° 00515 3.09.4; 90.0,
NAKAO, 381.16.
SOXDAO, a Persian nobleman,
IQI.9.
MOMS, a native of Nirdm,
394.18.
™Oam, Sodom, 30.12;
182.6.
15005.00, Sodomites,
156.16; 157.18; 181.13.
1309010, the Apostate, 25.9;
BO.125 Ole te 7 Talos
wOd OLD, vOdc1, a monk of
Mount 121A, BI20
007.0 O00, Sisoes, 22.13; 327.7.
180.5 5
32.10;
20%, Sarin, 137.10.
25S 00, }O!, Satan, 209.17;
228.9; 253.10; 255.3; 256.4;
261.19 ; 303.16 ;333.223345.21; |
347-15; 352-6; 353.2; 383.9;
389.11; 390.16; 391.7; 395.12;
397-13; 399-3-
win, Mount Sinai, 20.16; 21.13.
5093.0, district between Arbela
and Hamadan, go.15.
Lsodteo, the people of Salakh,
elie
adm
qo, qhoo, Salakh, 9.2; 108.8;
109.2; 125.7; 120,6-eraorm
149.14; 155.12;700142
INAS qho, Outer Salakh,
109.4.
IAG gh, Inner Salakh,
II0.16; 155.16; 384.3.
$a or json, the Persian(?),
94.3.
203.0, nickname of Simon,
94.10; 95-1.
ASsm, plain of Shinar, 26.18.
4040, Saphsapha of Marga,
6.15;76.7 ;116.13;143.14;195.8;
239.18; 264.11.
AD, Sarah, wife of Abraham,
O07 12.
voi 5., Bishop of Hendaitha,
8.123 108:4; 135.105 a30ee
ord 3.0, of Béth Garmai, 5.17;
60.20; 61.5.
Sylvanus, 22.12.
oak 30D, the kavovapyxos, 228.4;
286.15.
(oda, Serapion, 334.10.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES.
tux 1s, Monastery of, 37.21.
Nore and, the friend of Tho-
mas of Marga, 15.6; 85.1;
90.13; 123,15; 324.5.
Saxe aad, of Kartaw, 381.17.
SOK aad, 930.1.
ere © 9
LAM, Hebrews, 68.8.
Was, a village of Inner Salakh,
384.3.
$550, BeAtab . 310.15.
wodon, the Jacobite, 250.18.
waNusy, Peat 2107/5 e107-15 ;
198.11; 238.8.
1H35 wh, a village in Marga,
59.6.
PES wh, fo, ES BLO),
271.0.
ws, Eli the high priest, 27.1.
*50s0N, Gomorrah, 180.5.
LeLasoS, a village of Marga(?),
328.13.
Nuzossas, Immanuel, 163.3.
mass, father of Moses, 339.16.
ance AS Bas, of Béth
Re 0
\
B6zai, 11.15; 239.10; 240.5;
BAT 2 242.5° 243.2: 244.18:
386.8; 387.4; 388.18; 400.8;
401.5.
orate, the redactor of the
Book of Paradise, 6.18; 78.8;
79.14;80.3; 86.12; 87.19;106.2.
CXCill
Emr, an ascetic of Marga,
328.15.
Nomad, monastery of, 385.2.
OS, Esau, 26.18; 37:7; 294.3.
oasis, atownnear Kula, 85.19.
UTES, eANTADS an 35 tS eu
wae, Paesius, 254.18.
dN, 409.4.
Nod, Paul the Hermit, 22.7;
133.22.
tucod a, the followers of Pau-
"linus, 177.21.
worded, Paul the Apostle,
156.19; 175.8; 178.3; 190.14;
_ 197.5; 217-2; 241.22; 255.2;
O57 on 20234 804:20. 8311.4:
331-3; 330.1; 339-18; 377-10;
402.12.
woes, the brother of Gabriel,
14:5; 300.14; 362.5; 363.1;
364.2; 365.5; 367.4; 370.10;
371.11; 372-4; 373-29; 374-13;
375-18; 380.14; 381.25; 390.13;
404.12.
waded,
wored,
Izla, 37.17.
66.11.
70.6.
a monk of Mount
63,5, the Apostle, 382.20.
oass, Bishop of Yemen,
238.16.
(bb)
CXC1V
INTRODUCTION.
oa, a monk of Mount
IPAB KP cy ere):
oars, a monk of Béth
‘Abhé, 323.18.
Ond, Phinehas of Israel, 31.9.
dda,
297.15.
yauS, Pethion the Monk,
240405 381.0,
wend, Pachomius, 226.7; 334.9.
Pythagoras,
woeseead, Pachomius, 205.12.
o.23, Palladius of Helleno-
polis, 87.21; 308.15; 309.7.
10S, 321.109.
AAS, Plato, 297.5.
LEMS, Philistines, 402.9.
o5005, Pambo, 22.9.
AuiosS, Penuel, 363.14.
os 0355, Paphnutius, 254.17.
5 4350035, a Persian nobleman,
109.9.
990035, a Persian nobleman,
143.2.
200339 —Farr + Narsé(’), 109.6.
nS, of Tell Keéf, 408,
note 4; 409.3.
oS, Persia, 82.9; 86.9; 95.13.
1055, Persians, 23.14; 70.2;
' 82.1.
Z509 NAS, a district on the
Shatt el-Arab, 81.20.
WueTy, Zion, 278.19; 306.12.
16 ¢, Nisibis, 84.13.
130¢, see ¢@NONDD Dus,
143-18; 340.18; 348.17; 354.4;
362.10.
Ud0%, people of Tyre, 204.16.
ror Zeba, who cursed David,
198.15.
dod Bag, Sidonians, 204,16.
te a villase of Marga, 346.21.
2S, a monk of Béth “Abhé,
54-7; 94-3-
ud. Monastery of, 53.16.
aS. the Aramean, 99.11.
ta9 ud. the Patriarch, 15.17;
102.2+°103:9;| 100.15 setizeee
TIS.13)141-20; 14 2:16
Se see under Ne, 152.20,
Rg. Sana‘a, 238.18.
wu, a glen near the Zabh,
381.7.
2035, Zephaniah the Prophet,
302.21.
wl, Canvas O.ce
nian, Kawadh, son of Pér6z,
63.11.
LIST OF SYRIAC PROPER NAMES.
vol..ood, a diminutive of
Constantine, 225.8.
Sas, a village near Alra,
143-19; 164.7; 329.14; 369.21;
370.4.
USaH, the people of Képh in
' Marga, 370.20.
AS on, Cyprianus(?), 394.18.
teadad, juddan, d5dax,
"Cyprian, B12.15; aYAtaG:
344.12.
odd ob), Cyprianus, 13.12;
14.7; 325.2; 327-20; 330.19;
331.2; 332-2; 334.20; 336.22;
337-18; 338.7; 342.19; 343.20;
353-45; 357-13; 364.4; 368.6;
372.5 5 374-12; 375-10; 406.13.
305, son of Yazdin, 63.6.
wo, Monastery of, 143.16.
wah, Korah, of Israel, 84.16;
161.18.
oods5o.8, Cornelius of
Joppa, 222.16.
Wwoathseih, Abbot of Béth
“A bhé, 11.6; 12.1; 2167 5-5217.60;
gett 225.4-) (225.5% + 228.6:
eaeds 242.75. 2230.0% 2Al.14-
242.9; 243-35 244.20; 245.5;
246.12; 247.2; 248.12; 249.2;
251.9 ; 296. 10;-299.13; 302.3.
oathsab, of Edessa, 239.2.
0 Othd ob , Bishop of Béth
Garmai, 238.19.
CXCV
Wats at, Church of at Tell
Kéf, 408.10.
aud, 2. ¢., Cyrus of al-Hirah,
145.18.
Sax , the expositor, 61.3.
Sox.8a8, Abbot of Béth ‘Abhé,
O.12,,0627 108.5.074.1 3.70.76
S1.7 200.4 Olal7 119;1.0;
5034, Keturah, 32.11.
A ib =c5Ls(2), 163.2.
A558, the syncellus of Ishd‘-
yahbh III, go.r.
A538, brother of Yahbhlaha,
12.135 253:13; 263.14; 264.9;
205:2.4200-11 5.2071 12 208.g;
27 alia
A558, a native of Adiabene(?),
382.21.
A558, see A589 Nod, 198.20;
2OT 210.2.
0534, 2. €., Gebel al-Gidi, 33.21;
41.21; 365.19; 366.10; 397.9;
368.8; 375.3.
weep, Monastery of near
Mardin, g1.2.
aad 548, z. €., Shenna dhé
Béth Ramman,
aun as, z, @., ohenna dhe
Béth Ramman, 13.3; 292,
note 1:
a5unad, i. ¢., Shenna dhe
Béth Ramman, 301.18.
CXCVI1
INTRODUCTION.
9548, 7. ¢., Shennd dhe
Béth Ramman, 13, note I.
pauoad, 27. e., Shenna dhe
Béth Ramman, 292.3.
a5 Wai, z. e., Shenna dhe
Béth Ramman, 79.22.
1.800615, the Byzantine Greeks,
70.2; 197.9; 369.8.
220, people of Béth Rewai,
"170.17.
X05, Bishop of Hénditha,
10.10; «198.2; 199.6; 200.2;
201.2; 202.15.
ZAX.005, Sabhr-Ish6‘, 60.16;
89.5.
AL.004, of Béth Kéka. 23.5.
iHN@05,a province of Marga,
345-20.
wd, Rai near Teheran, 270.5.
gs08, Monastery of, 329.6.
os05, a deacon at Shalmath,
125.10.
025, the rock Rimmon, 40.18.
Aux O35, 7. c., 4KD52 0nd
Réw-Ardashir on the Tab,
86.9.
das, an ascetic, 406.13.
40495, Rebecca, 96.12.
$5, Monastery of, 24.11; 241.19;
381.11.
was $5, 329.16.
tu 25, a village of Saph-
sapha, 264.11.
N02, Saul, King of Israel,
379.8; 1152055577 .2.°10 fae
dx, Saba, 204.16.
San, Sapor, King of Persia,
163.2; 182.18.
ans, a Persian nobleman,
164.7.
Noosa, Nmoscrs, Bishop
of Seleucia, 262.6; 294.16.
Dongs, a district between
Arbela and Hamadan, ror.9.
Saxdczox, Metropolitan of
Gilan, 12:5; -238.0;05252:2.
253.17; 254.20; 250,00 257008
259.4; 261.18; 262.10; 265.7;
266.9.
(Seokicos, brother of Mar
Alay er10.G;
AsoMox, Abbot of Shennd,
acim
302.7 ; 305.19; 308.13; 314.18;
315-6; 383.4.
ree L)v.) iH Ox, “Sunday Ba-
zaar”, 372.21.
reOx, ‘‘Shishan the Fortress”
238.21.
ww, a village in Marga, 287.15.
isu, a Shaiban Arab, 104.2.
LIST OF SYRIAC
PROPER NAMES. CXCVil
UiSu%, the Shaibin Arabs,
104.5.
Skus, Sinjar, 383.4.
O4u%, near Beth ‘Abhé, 243.12.
a ’
Sas, Sheol, 161.18; 224.4.
Ksoohux, the Shunammite
woman, 96.2.
UN'S 45 Zus, “the son of the
giant,” 238.11.
Zux, Bishop of Gilan, 267.17.
vod, Shérée, King of Persia,
Boeee 00.13 +.70:5.
es, Shirin, 47.3.
Nex, Seth, 115.16.
ZN, Salem, 21.5.
orks, Solomon, 65.15;
204.15.
a z b)
Mien 42.3); 43.3.
coraaks, Bishop of Hadhatta,
156.2; 198.7; 201.12; 382.18.
oradhs, of BéthGarmai, 237.19.
yorads, a monk of Béth‘ Abhé,
232.3.
wads, brother of Narses, 294.4.
deoks, Asods, Asoks, a vil
lage of Saphsapha, 116.12;
124.9; 125.11; 136.12; 137.18;
143.17; 153.10; 163.16; 385.6.
bar-Garaph, 4.19;
oN5 A5 dss, of Tell Kéf,
409.4.
Autosox, Samuel the Prophet,
27.1; 96.18; 97.2; 99.4; 197.3;
333-4; 358.1; 359-13.
wi OS, whose sons were mar-
tyred, 59.18.
Sasex, Shimei, 18x15.
*S sox, son of Yazdin, 47.4;
63.6.
t.sox, Monastery of, 143.16.
1925 Odsas, Simon Peter, 21.4;
104.14;120.17 5178.18; 222.15 ;
202 43 5t.1 2.
Simeon, 247.10.
Metropolitan of Adia-
bene, 106.13 ;'120.7.
ossox, Bishop of Béth Begh-
ash, 124.8; 125.7; 385.5.
Ong, the Martyr, 262.6.
Gas Bishop of Gilan, 267.17.
oo
i]
(Odsae, Rabban,
100.2.
OSSax, Monastery of, 314.18;
315-1; 316.8; 345.3.
OS05, surnamed the ‘‘Beard-
less”, 7.9; 94-19; 95-11; 96.4;
97210520005.
127.15.
ossax, Monastery of at Shen-
the monk,
Simeon Priscus (?),
na, 293-5; 305.12.
CXCVIII
wasex, Shimei, 18r 14.
@ R005, a village of Marga,
347.21.
(oy. Samson, 156.17.
eax, of Béth Ramman, 12.21;
79.22; 230.3; 201.2; 2092.3;
290.21; 301.13; 302.7; 305.12;
316.5.
dem ODS, see duabO DS Nod,
109.21.
Dons, a Persian nobleman,
165.9; 166.12.
002, the Apostle, 262.5.
0028, Bishop of Marga, 1.4;
3-45 172.3; 325-4; 407.18.
23002N, Bishop of Gilan, 267.17.
INTRODUCTION.
*00iN, of Hedhédh, 238.11.
$s00%N, a monk, 53.17.
6563018, Theodore of
Mopsuestia, 174.8.
W902, Theophilus, 53.13.
sa5K, Mount Tabor, 21.15.
Yiso@N, a monk of Béth ‘Abhé,
299.12.
Sods, a village of Marga,
230.11.
Wa, Tella, 194.6; 391.12.
Wor Wy, ad§ Sd, the
“Mound of Reeds’, 80.19.20.
SiaSa, the people of Tell
Kéf, 408.11.
Sa%5N, Tarshish, 180.11.
SYRIAC FORMS OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS
OCCURRING IN THE BOOK OF GOVERNORS.
#oX2 dywv 22.15; 273-15; 355-5; 405.19; plur. {$643 25.18.
MosoLi adywvioris 354-19; plur. SA Ssdhi 252.6.
{Koi oso\ i 360.11.
{Soi aypdc 255.213; 348.16; 367.17; plur. joSoAi 388.20; 398.10.
On2 401.0.
aiso2 evayyEAloV «44.1; 267.12; 297.17; 366.7; eise2 44. note I.
MOSS362 ebayyEeMoTHs 87.16.
ja02 ovola plur. ono2 144.18.
i.b62 dyKivoc 173.18.
order Opyavov 142.18,
#dXsho2 aiOevtia 155-18
74,2 eix? 247.13.
ddoi OXAOG 384.22.
$5052 eEopta 33-13 50.3.
pamai =évoc 313-4; plur. {maj 364.10; 373.8.
pamoai Eevia 289.20 ; 362.12.
thosimai 332.18.
wacniesi Eevodoxelov 202.8.
deine duiavtoc 273.16.
tii dvdlyKny 58.8; isi 53-223 335-20; plur. Wosail 229.6.
Komi dowtos 39.8.
{oiowi dowrtia 40.1; 128.8,
CC INTRODUCTION.
{64,02 oTod 67.8; 227.17; 241.18.
{208,02 oToIXElov 159.9; plur. {082 252.4.
{AwOLH2 OTOMAXOS 280.12.
#0802 oTiA0¢ 164.11; [fAS0X 02 165.4].
BoA Xo2 statio plur. #40 N02 142.7.
PoX%O2 oOTOUWLE 329.2.
N0A8 OXOAY — 6.113 13.15; Gr:1; 297.18; plur.« (accusmmcases
OS63H2 8.20; 140.20; 232.8; dSod2 61.1;
140.13; 404.2.
SG5@2 74.73 350.13; plur. 1Noa6} 75.83 340.18; 388.17.
$0.A02 oXfjUa 22.2; 378.14.
AX HD 2 OKUTOG 135.0.
Besomsi dwwvia plur. Ksossi (tad Gywvia) 356.22.
{04X92 énitpottoc 172.173 259.0.
obemsi ETTLOKOTTOG 1.4; plur. iso5.osi 6.6.
{hodties} 9.43 12.17; 268.5.
Orsottes? ETLOKOTIELOV (\o-Sonies2 we) 9.133 158.20; 328.10.
faNodpi dxohovbia 113.6; g.NdSani 360.16; PANO F 92.10.
tes Son EKKANOLMOTIKY] 85.2; HS ooSn2 88 note 2; plur. et od\oi
18.1; OHA GoNni 18 note I.
Mooi dur 407.8.
yorenadi ApxdidKovos 292.13.
#51 Gipxy plur. .@65} 21.19; 307.7.
oosi dpxwv 139-14.
#3N2551 dpxlatpos plur. #52853 298.10.
eral d&puevov 118.15,
Z@aorhsi 6pOdd0E0¢ plur. fodorXdi 6.0.
gmdorh5i dplodozia 71.18 ; 151.10; 166.2; 291.11.
MSN GOANTHS 180.7; plur. gai 252.6; 278.15.
fos Sni GOANoIS 18.10; 173.23 406.18.
[ Binnd, oid]
*A®nvaior
plur. ta si 298.6.
SYRIAC FORMS OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS.
CCl
235i Nas TH dpxeta
Bria
Baoiela
KUOMOG
‘ywvia
‘fAwoodKouov
YVvwoTikdc
Yévoc
doyUa
o1adjKn
idiwWwTNHS
o
AN
ETTAP Xia,
UTOOLAKOVOG
vAN
nHvioxos
GTTAWC
apwua
aipeTiKdsc
aipetiKds
aipeoic
Bra
CYTO
102.14.
83.15; 306.12.
139.16.
plur. Hook, 348.3.
plur. {N6-36A. 276.22.
6.7; 70.18, plur. frotiooS\ 206.1; 329-4; 369.16.
36.18.
9.33 14.5.
72.146
261.19; 298.8; 306.13; plur. HaHd,> 306.15.
17.7 3140.16 ; 271.3; plur. masc. ¢\,Ox3¢7 271.7 ; 402.17;
plur. fem. {80.267 275.16.
15-173 150.2; 360.16.
381.5.
363.17.
9.93 74-15 155-10.
plur. #684007 307.7.
283.20.
64.4; 326.0.
234.3.
plur. #6507 23.15; 307-133; 334-4.
plur. PSS G7 72.13 339-10.
330.2; plur. {6.0307 91.1; 330.8.
53-1.
351-17; plur. 1Nio 306.20.
plur. fd ie 52.19.
(cc)
CCl
INTRODUCTION.
TaDAIC
TOEIC
TAN
TOKTIKOG
TUTIOG
TUPAVVOS
1 Tupavvic
XELWV
XELPOTOVIAL
FvoTOG
Kf|puz
XITWV
lesio
Aitpa
Ay
Aautrdc,-dda
Anos
NEKTIKiIoOV
magnes
modius
Moviyta
UETAVOLO
pur. KNSS, 329.4.
49.17; plur, 16.12.
7.3; 86.18.
78.8.
306.20; plur. fda, 20.11; 291.10.
plur. %3GS08, 307.22.
369.1; plur. ¢S0d4, 382.10.
330-3.
plur. #30%.5 303.12; 402.1.
120.145 150.8; 279.6; 286.14; 301.13.
311.16.
351.17.
272.203 349.22.
302.20.
plur. EAN 225.0.
402.2; 318.17.
plur. Sads%0\ 244.6; 269.14; 384.22.
plur. 2S 169.4; 293.16; 351.3; 399.3
3II.11.
36.12.
269.15.
81.33 349.20.
129.14; 210.1; 220.2; plur. gsdXso 84.3; 325.11;
EES 43.213 245.8.
METPOTTONITNS 51.10; 52.183 OS NASEA a8 7.1; PS dd5i
190.13.
216.1.
SYRIAC FORMS OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS.
cciil
{ok Sad5i,ns0
0
uidtov
UAC Wa.
UdAAOV
uMeAETH
MGALOTE. |
d.vaxwpntrs
Voun
vac
VOMOG
OUVOdOG
onmectov
OUVNYOpOs
ToAITELO
TUPT OG
TATPLPXNS
Middo0@os
Puooopia
TELOIC
MoAaye
MavTaoia
TlevtnKooty
THVOE
MaxKtdoAtov
TIPAYMATELA
Tappnota
8.5; 12.10; 84.13; 119.17.
plur. pdaso 60.1.
71.9.
51-33 264.1; 267.12.
(Pete
21.11:
334-18; 366.8; 384.18; plur. fXyS203 274.2.
30.233; 279.1
176.1; 306,21; 371.6.
4.7; {ors 65.73 #Has03 65.12.
63.21.
218.6; 386.5.
358.18.
58.5.
164.13.
84.7; plur. B.5K5 102.10; aS .5K5 86.20.
10.8; 49.19.
16.3; plur. oaX.5.
23.20 3'297.18 ; 298.6.
10.143 15.16.
52.9.
108,12; 228.21; 302.18.
210.2.
248.10; 279.7.
79.16; plur. pth 53-4:
123.22.
331.11.
68.4; 119.1; 282.10; 340.3: 344.223 2x9 110,
note I.
INTRODUCTION.
{OmxdAd Trapdderoog 6.193 7.3; 78.95 271-1; plur. fo.d55 15.18; 18.3.
fidondd4 114.5; 144.53 303.13.
thosdond4 273-9.
OAS TOPOS OAS 11.20; 49.13; 245.2; plur. 5039
196454 TPOOWTOV 20.18; 24.43 4OL.315; plur. 246¢S4 71.3; 268.5.
iouss 236.8.
AHS pPpdKTns 107.12; 306.19.
fsogoNSS TPOOECOMia —- 400.3.
fHadSS Trapabry}Ky 289.6.
*Nodz4 npdc 342.8.
(ony Kipwtds 306.13; 392.13.
(Sion Katnyopia plur. (A ‘SXob 34.17.
os.2305 Kivduvoc’ 52.3: 268.3.
oStos KUKAOG 92.15; 263.18.
| 0x] XWPa plur. 2.506 110.5; reve{-V =) 11.16; 48.8; 261.10;
286.10; 350.17; 387.13.
At KF|TOS 159.7.
fsoNn KodUpa plur. pSoMy 257.1.
IW WON 55-9:
tS xKehda, cella, 22.14; plur. geSe 27.223 365.4.
d5osb KOLvdBloc 67.6; 210.6: 352.3; 386.15.
wI0Ly =KOLVOBLOV 60.4; 218.1; 365.3.
dios = KavWwv 33-17; 366.16; plur. {sokt) 56.18; 79.16.
ais KOTXN 171.6; 306.16; 307.8; 351.3.
PERT) 30.7; 77.213 398.15.
{Ssoh@8 quaestionarius 158.7.
$OOSL OH KOATUOTPWMA 171.6; 273.1; 306.109.
joAa5 xdpTtn¢ 293.2.
W5 KdpTaddosc 304.3.
{.N6N5 KalodKdc 5.73 WOHLSONS 19.16.
bee hele
15.19; wb SONd 15, note 3; 251.19; 350.11.
SYRIAC FORMS OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS. CGV,
DaDdN5
oso
#5025
Dab A n5ofd
PEL 0552
dod S
LDOSOSN
KdOapols
dppapwy
Bewpia
BewpytiKkds
TAYUO
Opdvoc
198.13.
299.7.
40.4; 174.3; 206.6; 233.5; 298.15; 363.8; plur.
nd OJ 13.53 304.12.
276.20.
plur. faba xdoZy 220.6.
plur. toX N 23-33 349-173 352-16; 406.16.
218.14; 235.143 307.2.
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1 1012 00027 6271